This chapter introduces and defines masculinities. It clarifies the choice of terminology used throughout this publication. The chapter also defines the scope of the report, emphasising that while masculinities can and do harm men and boys, the focus of this research is the ways in which some masculine norms negatively affect women’s empowerment. Finally, the chapter offers an overview of the report’s structure.
Man Enough? Measuring Masculine Norms to Promote Women’s Empowerment
Social Institutions and Gender Index
1. What are masculinities?
Abstract
Diverse forms of masculinity coexist across cultures, geographical locations and time. Masculinities are social constructions of “what it means to be a man” (Box 1.1), which vary with ethnicity, age and socio-economic background, among other factors (Kaufman, 1999[1]). Masculinities, part of social institutions themselves, can play an important role in upholding discriminatory social institutions – the laws, social norms and practices that perpetuate women’s disempowerment and gender inequality. Masculinities, and gender norms in general, are learnt in early childhood and reinforced throughout one’s life; nevertheless, they are subject to individual negotiation and choice (Waling, 2019[2]). Through individual agency, women and men can and do make different choices about their beliefs and expectations, internalising and adapting their perceptions of what it means to be a “real” man.1
Some masculinities can impede women’s empowerment while others may support it. Restrictive masculinities2 draw on a binary definition of gender and define men’s roles and responsibilities as the opposite of women’s, leading to a gender power imbalance (Connell, 1987[3])(Box 1.2). Even if very few men enact and embody all aspects of restrictive masculinities, their idealisation makes these dimensions widely normative (Connell and Messerschmidt, 2005[4]). Norms of restrictive masculinities coexist with other gender-equitable masculine norms, which can be compatible and even supportive of women’s empowerment and gender equality (Barker, 2007[5]). In Brazil, for example, 43% of men believe that a man should have the final word about decisions in his home, while 53% believe that a woman’s most important role is to take care of her home and cook (Barker et al., 2010[6]). This suggests strong support for the gender binary and patriarchal gender norms. However, the same individuals also exhibit gender-equitable norms: 90% believe that changing diapers, giving children a bath and feeding children are not only mothers’ responsibilities, suggesting that they believe fathers should also engage in childcare (Barker et al., 2010[6]).
Box 1.1. Definition of masculinities
Masculinities encompass the various socially constructed ways of being and acting, values and expectations associated with being and becoming a man in a given society, location and temporal space. While masculinities are mostly linked with biological men and boys, they are not biologically driven and not only performed by men (OECD, 2019[7]).
Masculinities are social constructs. They are both shaped by and part of social institutions – formal and informal laws, social norms and practices. They relate to perceived notions, shared by both men and women, about how “real” men behave and, importantly, how men are expected to behave in specific settings in order to be considered “real” men. Masculinities are not innate or linked to biological maleness, but rather learnt through social interactions from early childhood into adolescence and adulthood, and transmitted from generation to generation (Schrock and Schwalbe, 2009[8]). Masculinities develop and operate at different levels, including the interpersonal, communal, institutional and societal levels.
Masculinities are diverse. Different masculinities exist across cultures, geographical locations and time periods but also within cultures and are informed by factors such as age, socio-economic background, race, and religion (Kaufman, 1999[1]). Recognising the diversity of masculinities highlights that men are not a homogeneous group and masculinities are not a “fixed, ahistorical entity” (Connell, 2014[9]).
Masculinities are hierarchically ordered according to their conformity to a masculine ideal. The extent to which men adhere to or reject an ideal set of dominant norms of masculinity influences their status in society (Connell, 1995[10]). Individuals who successfully live up to hegemonic ideals enjoy more power in society, thus generating a power imbalance between men and women and among men themselves (Waling, 2019[2]). Furthermore, men, in all of their diversity, experience power differently and often in a contradictory manner – both reaping the benefits of their privilege and experiencing “immense pain, isolation and alienation” as a result (Kaufman, 1999[1]).
Norms of masculinities can be understood as collectively shared social norms and social expectations about what men and boys do and what they ought to do (Mackie et al., 2015[11]). Social norms define what is typical (descriptive norms) and what is appropriate (injunctive norms) for members of a group (in this case men and boys) to do and be (Heise and Manji, 2016[12]). Some of the social practices that hold these norms in place are the approval or disapproval of others, which may include sanctions such as labelling, gossip, intimidation or violence (Mackie et al., 2015[11]). Individual attitudes, although not a perfect proxy, are often used as indicators of social norms (Cislaghi, Manji and Heise, 2017[13]), and are used as such throughout this publication along with data on social practices. The combination of both kinds of indicators is based on the idea that norms, once internalised, are enacted through people’s behaviours and social practices.
Since the 1990s, research, programming and policy making have reflected increasing attention to masculinities. Academic research in psychology, sociology and anthropology has studied diverse masculinities and their related norms [see (Connell, 1995[10]; Morrell, 1998[14]), among others]. The key role of men as allies of women’s empowerment has been acknowledged in international and regional agendas [the Beijing Declaration and Platform of Action (BPfA); the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW); the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs); and more], as well as in national gender strategies. Various stakeholders have promoted gender-transformative actions to enhance men’s well-being and at the same time to promote women’s empowerment and gender equality. Thousands of country-level programmes engaging men and boys as key agents of gender equality have been implemented, notably through the initiatives of Promundo, the International Center for Research on Women (ICRW) and the more than 600 non-governmental organisations (NGOs) of the MenEngage Alliance. These efforts have been aided by the development of surveys, including the International Men and Gender Equality Survey (IMAGES), which have offered evidence of these social norms and how they are among the promoters of harmful behaviours (Barker et al., 2011[15]).
Box 1.2. Terminology matters for efforts to transform restrictive masculinities
Transforming masculinities begins by using language that challenges the underlying premise of restrictive masculinities, a rigid gender binary. Rather than defining what constitutes a “real” man as the opposite of a “real” woman, the chosen terminology should refrain from relying on fixed gender roles. For this reason, this publication has selected terminology that is impact focused. Specifically, it recommends describing masculinities according to their potential effect: promoting women’s empowerment and gender equality or encouraging men to develop beliefs, behaviours and attributes which undermine these goals.
In order to describe the relationship between masculinities and gender equality, various terms have emerged in public and academic debates to indicate whether masculinities are conducive or obstructive to women’s empowerment and gender equality. Widely used dichotomous terms in this context are “toxic” versus “healthy” masculinities. Less symbolically charged terms include “traditional” as opposed to “progressive” masculinities and “negative” versus “positive” masculinities (OECD, 2019[7]). Other frequently used terms are “harmful masculinities” or “patriarchal masculinities” to describe expressions of masculinity that have adverse effects on women and men themselves. Policy discourses and academic papers have also referred to “gender-egalitarian” (OECD, 2019[7]) or “gender-equitable” versus “gender-inequitable” masculinities (Marcus, Stavropoulou and Archer-Gupta, 2018[16]). This publication has elected to use the following terminology:
“Gender-equitable masculinities” describes masculinities that are supportive of women’s empowerment and gender equality and that undermine patriarchal structures and unequal gender power dynamics.
“Restrictive masculinities” describes masculinities that confine men to their traditional role as the dominant gender group, undermining women’s empowerment and gender equality.
Beyond the adjectives used to describe masculinities, gendered language used to refer to activities, behaviours, etc. must also be addressed with care. Gendered language refers to wording such as “masculine”, “feminine”, “manly” and “womanly”, to name examples present in this paper. In particular, the distinction between masculine and manly is critical. The term “manly”, although often used synonymously with “masculine”, can also be used normatively as defined by “having or denoting those good qualities traditionally associated with men” (Oxford University Press, 2020[17]). Conversely, “masculine” lacks this normative connotation and refers to “having qualities or appearance traditionally associated with men” (Oxford University Press, 2020[18]).
This publication identifies and investigates ten defining norms of restrictive masculinities across the public and private spheres that jeopardise women’s empowerment. Some persistent notions of what a “real” man should be sustain the disempowerment of women and girls and underpin inequalities in unpaid care work, parenthood, access to economic opportunities and decision-making power. This notably includes social norms dictating that a “real” man should: i) be the breadwinner, ii) be financially dominant, iii) work in “manly” jobs, iv) be the “ideal worker”, v) be a “manly” leader, vi) not do unpaid care and domestic work, vii) have the final say in household decisions, viii) control household assets, ix) protect and exercise guardianship of family members, and x) dominate sexual and reproductive choices (see Figure 1.1). Moreover, strategies to re-establish male dominance – including the use of violence – emerge, as some men feel threatened by women’s increasing political and economic rights and empowerment (Kedia and Verma, 2019[19]).
Figure 1.1. The ten norms of restrictive masculinities
Note: This is not an exhaustive list of all norms of restrictive masculinities. The objective in the creation of this list was to account for those norms which have the most significant and direct impact on the empowerment of women and girls.
Source: Authors’ elaboration.
This publication recognises the harm that restrictive masculinities do to men, but focuses specifically on their implications for women. Some men remain locked in the “man box”3 as they feel pressure to conform to rigid gender norms, while those who do not comply with the dominant masculine ideals are further marginalised (Connell, 1995[10]; Heilman, Barker and Harrison, 2017[20]; Waling, 2019[2]). Dominant expressions of masculinities continue to hurt the physical and psychological health of both the men who conform to them and those who cannot (Kato-Wallace et al., 2016[21]). Together, men and women have much to gain from addressing restrictive masculinities. Shifting the norms of restrictive masculinities towards gender-equitable alternatives creates flexibility. For example, where gender-equitable norms are widely accepted, men who engage in childcare or take paternity leave are not stigmatised, and their wives/partners benefit from more equal divisions of unpaid care work, having time to pursue their careers or other interests. The norms of masculinities – whether restrictive or gender equitable – that dominate in societies have tremendous implications for women’s empowerment in both the private and the economic and political spheres. This publication focuses on the norms of restrictive masculinities that directly impact the empowerment of women and girls. As such, these norms are most in need of attention from policy makers, who have the opportunity to address them.
After identifying ten norms of restrictive masculinities that require policy makers’ attention, this report suggests indicators to track progress towards more gender-equitable masculinities. To address masculinities and promote women’s empowerment, policy makers should be equipped with tools and indicators to: i) identify the norms of masculinities that are obstructive to gender equality, ii) design policies and programmes to address these norms, iii) track progress towards more gender-equitable norms and evaluate the efficiency of their actions, and, in doing so, iv) use this evidence to adjust their efforts. This implies measuring the impact of policies and programmes on women’s lives, as well as the shift in both attitudes and behaviours of the whole population, not only of men and women who participate in specific programmes. This paper is organised as follows: Chapter 2 focuses on five norms of restrictive masculinities in the economic and political spheres, while Chapter 3 identifies five norms in the private sphere. Chapter 4 suggests indicators – both “ideal” indicators and available proxies – to track progress towards gender-equitable norms of masculinities within both spheres, and concludes with forward-looking ways this research can be mobilised, such as further data collection and policy analysis.
References
[5] Barker, G. (2007), The role of men and boys in achieving gender equality, https://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/public/w2000/W2000%20Men%20and%20Boys%20E%20web.pdf.
[15] Barker, G. et al. (2011), Evolving Men: Initial Results from the International Men and Gender Equality Survey (IMAGES), https://www.icrw.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/Evolving-Men-Initial-Results-from-the-International-Men-and-Gender-Equality-Survey-IMAGES-1.pdf.
[6] Barker, G. et al. (2010), “Questioning gender norms with men to improve health outcomes: Evidence of impact”, Global Public Health, Vol. 5(5), pp. 539-53, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17441690902942464.
[13] Cislaghi, B., K. Manji and L. Heise (2017), Social Norms and Gender-Related Harmful Practices, Learning Report 2: Theory in support of better practice. Learning Group on Social Norms and Gender-Related Harmful Practices, London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/323075438_Social_norms_and_gender-related_harmful_practices_what_assistance_from_the_theory_to_the_practice.
[9] Connell, R. (2014), “The study of masculinities”, Qualitative Research Journal, Vol. 14/1, pp. 5-15, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/275115285_The_study_of_masculinities.
[10] Connell, R. (1995), Masculinities, University of California Press, Berkeley.
[3] Connell, R. (1987), Gender and Power: Society, the Person, and Sexual Politics, Stanford University Press, Stanford.
[4] Connell, R. and J. Messerschmidt (2005), “Hegemonic Masculinity: Rethinking the Concept”, Gender and Society, Vol. 19/6, pp. 829-859, http://www.jstor.org/stable/27640853.
[20] Heilman, B., G. Barker and A. Harrison (2017), The Man Box: A Study on Being a Young Man in the US, UK, and Mexico, https://promundoglobal.org/resources/man-box-study-young-man-us-uk-mexico/.
[12] Heise, L. and K. Manji (2016), Social norms. GSDRC Professional Development, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/338698501_Social_Norms.
[21] Kato-Wallace, J. et al. (2016), Adolescent Boys and Young Men: Engaging Them as Supporters of Gender Equality and Health and Understanding their Vulnerabilities, Promundo-US and UNFPA, Washington D.C., https://www.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/Adolescent_Boys_and_Young_Men-SINGLE_PAGES-web.pdf.
[1] Kaufman, M. (1999), Men, Feminism, and Men’s Contradictory Experiences of Power, Fernwood Books, Halifax, https://www.michaelkaufman.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/01/men_feminism.pdf.
[19] Kedia, S. and R. Verma (2019), Gender norms and masculinities: a topic guide, ALIGN, https://www.alignplatform.org/sites/default/files/2019-06/masculinities_guide_1.pdf.
[11] Mackie, G. et al. (2015), What are social norms? How are they measured?, University of California at San Diego-UNICEF Working Paper, http://globalresearchandadvocacygroup.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/What-are-Social-Norms.pdf.
[16] Marcus, R., M. Stavropoulou and N. Archer-Gupta (2018), Programming with adolescent boys to promote gender-equitable masculinities, https://www.odi.org/publications/11321-programming-adolescent-boys-promote-gender-equitable-masculinities-rigorous-review.
[14] Morrell, R. (1998), “Of boys and men: masculinity and gender in Southern African studies”, Journal of Southern African Studies, Vol. 24/4, pp. 605-630, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057079808708593.
[7] OECD (2019), “Engaging with men and masculinities in fragile and conflict-affected states”, OECD Development Policy Papers, No. 17, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://dx.doi.org/10.1787/36e1bb11-en.
[18] Oxford University Press (2020), Definition for masculine, https://www.lexico.com/definition/masculine (accessed on 26 October 2020).
[17] Oxford University Press (2020), Definition of manly, https://www.lexico.com/about (accessed on 26 October 2020).
[8] Schrock, D. and M. Schwalbe (2009), “Men, Masculinity, and Manhood Acts”, Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 35/1, pp. 277-295, http://www.annualreviews.org/doi/10.1146/annurev-soc-070308-115933.
[2] Waling, A. (2019), “Problematising ‘Toxic’ and ‘Healthy’ Masculinity for Addressing Gender Inequalities”, Australian Feminist Studies, Vol. 34/101, pp. 362-375, https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/08164649.2019.1679021.
Notes
← 1. The term “real man” is used throughout this paper to denote the ideal man. While this ideal vision of manhood surely varies across contexts – both time and space – this report aims to highlight the similarities among these norms.
← 2. This paper uses the term “restrictive masculinities” to describe masculinities that confine men to their traditional role as the dominant gender group, undermining gender equality; it uses the term “gender-equitable masculinities” to describe masculinities that are supportive of gender equality and that undermine patriarchal structures and unequal gender power dynamics. See Box 1.2 for discussion on the terminology.
← 3. (Heilman, Barker and Harrison, 2017[20]) define the man box as “a rigid construct of cultural ideas about male identity”.