This chapter presents the levels of trust in public institutions in Chile, based on data from the OECD Survey on the Drivers of Trust in Public Institutions, conducted in October-November 2023. Trust levels are disaggregated by demographic and socioeconomic characteristics, and political attitudes, as well as are benchmarked against results in other 29 OECD countries. The chapter also summarises how perceptions of public governance – measured through institutional reliability, responsiveness, integrity, openness and fairness – are associated with trust in Chile’s national government, civil service and local government.
Drivers of Trust in Public Institutions in Chile
Building Trust in Public Institutions
Abstract
This chapter presents the results of the OECD Trust Survey carried out in Chile in October-November 2023. It provides an overview of levels of trust in public institutions in Chile and disaggregated results for different population groups, highlighting gaps and specific patterns. The results for Chile are benchmarked with those in other 29 OECD countries that participated in the survey. Lastly, the chapter presents the findings from an econometric analysis on the overall dimensions of public governance that have the highest positive association with trust in national government, civil service, and local government in Chile. The results from the OECD Trust Survey on these public governance dimensions are presented in Chapters 3 and 4, providing evidence for enhancing people’s trust and strengthening Chile’s democratic institutions.
The OECD Survey on Drivers of Trust in Public Institutions (OECD Trust Survey) is an innovative measurement tool for democratic governments seeking to improve public governance and reinforce trust. It was implemented for the first time in 2021 in 22 OECD countries, creating the first and most comprehensive cross-national database on public trust and perceptions of public governance to date, providing a wide-ranging inventory of the factors that influence people’s trust in public institutions and their expectations regarding participation, representation and public integrity, among others (OECD, 2022[1]).
Chile joined in the OECD Trust Survey for the first time in 2023. The 2023 OECD Trust Survey questionnaire is based on the OECD Framework on Drivers of Trust in Public Institutions. It replicates the same set of questions asked in 2021 while introducing a few new questions to gain a deeper understanding of the factors influencing trust (Box 2.1) (OECD, 2024[2]).
In the OECD Declaration on Building Trust and Reinforcing Democracy adopted by Ministers at the 2022 OECD Public Governance Ministerial meeting, countries acknowledged the relevance of the OECD Trust Survey and committed to continuing monitoring public trust on a regular basis, every two years.
The second wave of the OECD Trust Survey provides extensive coverage across 30 OECD member countries that volunteer to participate, typically with 2000 respondents per country. Twenty countries covered in the first Trust Survey wave in 2021 also participated in 2023. These are: Australia, Belgium, Canada, Colombia, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, Latvia, Luxembourg, Korea, Mexico, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Portugal, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. Additionally, ten new countries joined the Trust Survey in 2023: Chile, Costa Rica, Czechia, Germany, Greece, Italy, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, Spain, and Switzerland.
The 2023 Trust Survey asked people about their experience with, and expectations of, government reliability, responsiveness, capacity to tackle complex and global challenges, integrity, fairness, and openness, besides their satisfaction with public services or political participation. The questions related to trust levels and drivers use a 0-10 response scale, verbal anchors and an option to answer ‘don’t know’, following reviewed best practice and applications in country studies. This allows for variance in responses, increases overall data quality and complexity, and facilitates translatability across languages. The 11-point scale offers more nuanced analysis, allowing respondents to provide a “neutral” response that other surveys do not.
Data collection for the 2023 OECD Trust Survey took place in October and November 2023 in most countries, including Chile.
An Advisory Group consisting of public officials from OECD member countries, along with representatives from National Statistical Offices and international experts led the development of the survey questionnaire and oversaw the survey implementation and analysis. The Advisory Group helped ensure that the questionnaire was adapted to different national contexts, while guaranteeing meaningful international comparison. Chile was represented in the Advisory Group by officials from the State Modernisation Secretariat of the Ministry of Finance.
Source: (OECD, 2024[2])
Besides the cross-national questionnaire, the OECD Trust Survey implemented in Chile included seven additional survey questions (Box 2.2). These survey questions were incorporated following a series of in-depth interviews with key experts and policymakers, carried out to identify strategic topics and context-specific factors that may have an impact on trust in Chile. One of these survey questions was piloted in the Trust Survey implemented in Brazil in 2022, following discussions held by an Advisory Group on improving and adapting the questionnaire to the regional context (OECD, 2023[3]). The additional survey questions encompass topics such as perceptions towards reciprocal trust between citizens and government or the government’s ability to co-operate with different stakeholders. They also assess levels of trust in two additional institutions (the electoral system and civil society organisations), and collect additional background information of respondents, including their perceptions of economic mobility and crime.
Moreover, the wording of the questionnaire implemented in Spanish was adjusted following a cognitive testing, which aimed to ensure the questions were understandable and the accuracy of translation, paving the way for using the questionnaire in other Spanish-speaking OECD countries. The full questionnaire in Spanish implemented in Chile can be found in Annex B.
Methodological notes
The OECD Trust Survey was fielded in Chile between the 25th of October and the 25th of November and achieved a final sample of 2 008 responses. The Chilean survey followed the same data collection methodology as in most of the other surveyed countries, using an online survey, and a panel-based non-probability sample ensuring representative survey data by age, education, gender and region. In addition, income was implemented as a soft quota, serving as a less restrictive guideline (see below Figure on Composition of the sample).
In the survey data collection in Chile (similar to Colombia and Greece) lower education (<Educación básica) and medium education (<Educación media) levels were combined for the education quota and for the analysis in this report due to the underrepresentation of lower-educated respondents in the sample. For more information on the underrepresentation of the low education group in Chile and other countries that experienced similar challenges during the data collection, see Annex A.
Note: The figure shows the survey quotas and groups implemented in the OECD Trust Survey in Chile. The low and medium education group had to be combined for the post-stratification weighting due to an underrepresentation of the low education group.
Source: OECD Trust Survey 2023.
Questionnaire adjustments and additions
Cognitive Test
As the survey was carried out for the first time in Chile, the Modernisation Secretariat at the Ministry of Finance commissioned an expert to carry out 12 qualitative interviews to test the Spanish translation of the survey questions and the understandability of complex terms in the Chilean context. The cognitive interviews were equally split among women and men, and across the three age groups of 18-29, 30-49 and 50+. Further, and to ensure comparability, the survey questions tested in the cognitive interviews used as a starting point the Spanish translations of the 2021 OECD Trust Survey as implemented in Mexico and Colombia.
The cognitive testing results were rich and suggested several revisions in both the Spanish and English baseline questionnaire. Some of the suggestions were specific to the Chilean context. For example, results highlighted that some political terms, such as “public consultations” required additional explanation, adding to the respective survey question a definition of the term: “a Public Consultation is a way of collecting the opinion of citizens with the purpose of having the necessary information to make decisions about different public policies on topics such as education, social security, health, transportation, environment, among others”. Similar explanations were also included in other questions to facilitate the understanding of complex/technical terms related to public institutions that not every survey respondent may be familiar with, such as public debt or greenhouse gas emissions.
Considerations and new questions included in the Chilean questionnaire:
The survey in Chile piloted a question to gauge perceptions about the reciprocal nature of trust between citizens and government. For the government, earning the trust of its citizens is not just about implementing policies in a fair, open and responsive way, but also to trust its citizens to act in the public interest. In addition to initial discussions held ahead the implementation of the survey, during interviews conducted as part of this study experts highlighted the scepticism of government and public employees that individuals are indeed believed to act in the public interest.
Social mobility refers to individuals’ ability to increase their socio-economic status over their life course or compared to their parents and is often used as an important measure of equality of opportunity. In a country like Chile with higher income inequality, understanding people’s perceptions of their fair and equal chances is important for the understanding of social cohesion and trust in public institutions.
Latin America is often portrayed as the world’s most violent region. The recent increase in homicide rates and organized crime in Chile has led to heightened public concern, despite the country’s comparatively low levels of violence. Exposure to criminal violence, or the worry about crime, is likely to erode both interpersonal and institutional trust. The sense of insecurity that prevails in a country with heightened violence and crime, represents an important impediment to the development of trust (Delhey and Newton, 2003[4]).
Note: The figure shows the additional survey questions implemented in the Chile Trust Survey questionnaire.
Lessons learned on the questionnaire revision for Chile:
Perceptions of insecurity and crime were considered an important issue to influence people’s trust in public institutions in Chile, similar to results from the Trust Survey implemented in Brazil in 2022. Indeed, those who feel insecure, tend to place lower trust in the national government and other public institutions in Chile.
The survey question eliciting reciprocal trust between the government and citizens provides a new addition to the survey. The survey question asked how much people believe the government can trust citizens when interacting with government, such as through applying for benefits or taxes. It is important to note that this formulation is narrower than the broader question of trust in the national government and relates to everyday interactions where public institutions expect citizens to act with integrity and honesty, providing another measure of how trustworthy people expect other citizens to be.
The measurement of trust in electoral institutions provides important insights into the democratic foundations of a country. In Chile, trust in the electoral institution is found to be comparatively high (55%). Additionally trust in civil society organisations, much like trust in other people, provides valuable insights into the level of collective action and adherence to laws and regulations. In line with historical data on levels of trust in others (Figure 1.2 in Chapter 1), only few Chileans (33%) reported high or moderately high trust in civil society organisations.
The survey question on perceptions about government’s ability to co-operate with national stakeholders to tackle long-term challenges, included in the reliability module, was found to have the largest association for trust in the national government and national civil service in Chile, suggesting a demand for more inclusive policymaking, towards building national consensus. The inclusion of this item would be of particular interest in contexts of political fragmentation, or where consensus building is needed to pass relevant reforms.
The results from these new survey questions implemented in the Chile survey questionnaire offer valuable additions for the Latin American and the Caribbean (LAC) region, providing methodological insights that can be used to implement a similar Trust Survey across the entire region. Comparative evidence on reciprocal trust and perceptions about the ability to co-operate to address long-term challenges, as well as the importance of individuals’ worry about crime and social mobility, can provide a comprehensive picture on the region-specific factors shaping trust in public institutions.
Specific events within a national context can significantly shape people’s perception of government and public institutions. The recent years in Chile have seen a continuous evolution in public attitudes, highly influenced by the 2019 social protests and the constitutional re-write processes. In particular, the period when the OECD Trust Survey was conducted was marked by the finalisation of a second attempt to write a new constitution and an intense public debate on the proposed text slated for voting on 17 December. More broadly, the months previous to the implementation of the survey included discussions of the future role of newly elected regional governors and advancements on the interior security reform. The headlines at the time of the survey were dominated by allegations of bribery and disclosure of confidential information (‘’Caso Audios’’ and ‘’Luis Hermosilla’’). Additionally, allegations of corruption appeared, involving the misuse of public funds directed to NGOs by regional governments, housing and urban development regional offices. However, due to these allegations, the government implemented a Committee to regulate the relationship between non-profit organizations and the state and established an investigative committee (Cámara de Diputadas y Diputados, 2024[5]). Lastly, during the year the survey was implemented, there was an increase in homicide rates and organised crime in Chile, leading to growing public concern, despite the country’s comparatively low levels of violence. Beyond people’s heightened attention on an issue, these specific contextual factors, as well as government responses to them, may have influenced Chileans’ political participation or trust in civil society organisations and other public institutions.
Results from the OECD Trust Survey also signal particularities of Chile’s context, as perceived by citizens. Crime or violence has been reported as one of the top three issues faced by the country by 62% of people, followed by inflation (42%) and immigration (36%). During October and November 2023, when the survey was fielded, the global economic outlook exhibited signs of both moderated growth trajectories and resilience. Many OECD nationals were concerned about rising prices and inflation, reflecting economic anxiety and sense of financial insecurity. 42% of Chileans mentioned rising prices and inflation as one of the country’s top-three concerns, this share is almost 20 percentage points below the OECD (Figure 2.3).
Share of population who view policy issue as among the three most important ones facing their country, OECD, 2023
Note: The figure presents the average of responses to the question “What do you think are the three most important issues facing [COUNTRY]?”. “OECD” presents the unweighted average across countries.
Source: OECD Trust Survey 2023.
2.2.1. One in three Chileans trust the national government, below the average across OECD countries
According to the 2023 OECD Trust Survey, 30% of Chileans have high or moderately high trust in the national government (Figure 2.4).1 A majority of Chileans reported low or no trust (53%) and 15% had a neutral answer to the question. The share of high and moderately high levels of trust responses is similar to those reported in Colombia (32%) and Costa Rica (35%) in Latin America, and those in Latvia (29%), Portugal (31%), the Slovak Republic (31%) and France (34%) among OECD countries. In comparison to Chile, on average across OECD countries, around one in four people (39%) place high to moderately high trust in the national government (OECD, 2024[2]). In comparative terms it is worth noting that, in addition to changes over time, different political systems may present different dynamics surrounding trust in government. For instance, in presidential systems such that of Chile, trust in government tends to be closely associated with people’s perceptions of the president (Salas-Lewin, Clerc and Dinamarca, 2019[6]).
Share of population who indicate different levels of trust in their national government (on a 0-10 scale), 2023
Note: The figure presents the within-country distributions of responses to the question “On a scale of 0 to 10, where 0 is not at all and 10 is completely, how much do you trust the national government?”. A 0-4 response corresponds to “low or no trust“, a 5 to “neutral“ and a 6-10 to “ high or moderately high trust“. “OECD” presents the unweighted average across countries.
Source: OECD Trust Survey 2023.
Beyond levels of trust in public institutions, the OECD Trust Survey also assessed perceptions that could contribute to inform the concept of “reciprocal trust” in Chile. Chilean respondents were asked to what extent they felt the government could trust citizens, in particular in the context of applying for benefits or paying taxes. While discussions of public trust often focus on people’s trust in public institutions, this relationship must be to some degree reciprocal in a democracy. While people’s trust in institutions has been proven crucial for public governance, in turn, governments’ confidence in their citizens begets willingness to consent and reciprocity (Cook, 2005[7]). Understanding trust as a two-way street has the potential to turn a vicious cycle of scepticism and dishonesty into a virtuous cycle of co-operation and participation (Brezzi et al., 2021[8]; OECD, 2021[9]).
Almost half of the people in Chile (44%) believe their government can trust the people to provide accurate information when declaring taxes or applying for social benefits. In addition, relevant for the interpretation of the status of ‘’reciprocal trust’’ in Chile, this share exceeds the share of people who believe the government is trustworthy (30%), suggesting an imbalance in their relationship and perception (Figure 2.5). This difference tends to become smaller among the most vulnerable groups: individuals with a low sense of political voice, higher financial and economic concerns, and lower education feel less optimistic about the Chilean government's ability to trust its citizens.
Share of population who indicate different levels of trust (on a 0-10 scale), 2023
Note: The figure presents the within-country distributions of responses to the question on the left: “On a scale of 0 to 10, where 0 is not at all and 10 is completely, how much do you trust the national government?” and on the right: “On a scale of 0 to 10, to what extent would you say the Chilean government can trust citizens to provide accurate information when applying for benefits or paying taxes?”. A 0-4 response corresponds to “low or no trust”, a 5 to “neutral” and a 6-10 to “high or moderately high trust”.
Source: OECD Trust Survey 2023.
2.2.2. Fewer than a quarter of Chileans trust the civil service, one of the largest gaps compared to OECD countries
Civil servants are usually characterised as the human face of public institutions and tend to inspire greater confidence than national governments in most OECD countries (OECD, 2022[1]). This perception may stem from the fact that the civil service is often viewed as being closer to the people. However, this is not the case in Chile, where trust in the national and regional civil services is comparatively low (Figure 2.7).
Only 24% of Chileans reported to have high or moderately high trust in the national civil service, 11 percentage points lower than the average across OECD countries (Figure 2.6). In Chile, as in other OECD Latin American countries, as well as in Brazil (OECD, 2023[3]), trust in the national civil service is lower than trust in the national government (30%). The status of the civil service is a long-discussed and debated reform topic. Some studies underline key challenges of the Chilean civil service, such as rigid careers, exposure to changes linked to political cycles or a fragmented bureaucracy, which may explain its low levels of trust among the public (Brieba et al., 2024[10]). Other research highlights the existence of cultural bias and negative prejudices (“burophobia”) towards public officials (Güemes, 2016[11]). Further, some experts interviewed in occasion of this study also pointed out the decreasing face-to-face interactions with public officials due to digitalisation of public services could also lead to increased scepticism and distance towards the civil service, especially for vulnerable populations.
Share of population who indicate different levels of trust in their national civil service (on a 0-10 scale), 2023
Note: The figure presents the within-country distributions of responses to the question “On a scale of 0 to 10, where 0 is not at all and 10 is completely, how much do you trust the national civil service?”. A 0-4 response corresponds to “low or no trust“, a 5 to “neutral“ and a 6-10 to “ high or moderately high trust“. “OECD” presents the unweighted average across countries.
Source: OECD Trust Survey 2023.
2.2.3. Trust is highest in the police and lowest in Congress and political parties
In line with patterns observed in most OECD countries (OECD, 2024[2]), in Chile the police exhibit higher trust than political institutions. A majority (52%) report high or moderately high trust in the police, while less than one in five people have high or moderately high trust in the political parties (14%) and the Congress (19%) (Figure 2.7).
Share of population who indicate different levels of trust in various institutions (on a 0-10 scale), 2023
Note: The figure presents the average of responses to the question “On a scale of 0 to 10, where 0 is not at all and 10 is completely, how much do you trust [institution]?” Shown here is the share with high or moderately high trust corresponding to those who select an answer from 6 to 10 on the 0-10 response scale. OECD presents the unweighted average across surveyed OECD countries. Trust in the electoral system and in Civil Society Organizations was not asked about across OECD countries.
Source: OECD Trust Survey 2023.
Research has shown that in Chile, similarly to other LAC countries, trust in the military and the police remains high, with support for these institutions significantly related to people’s perceptions of crime (Solar, 2020[12]). However, these positive levels of trust in the police stand in contrast to concerns over legitimacy of policing activities during the 2019 social protest (Dammert, Elorrieta and Alda, 2021[13]) and the police’s involvement in a large corruption scandal in the form of the embezzlement of public funds (Box 2.3). Moreover, when considering trust in the courts and the judicial system, the gap between Chile and other OECD countries is striking, highlighting scepticism towards judicial institutions. In Chile, only 25% reported having high or moderately high trust in courts and the judicial system, well below the OECD average of 54%. The contrasting trust levels between the police and the courts was a point discussed during the qualitative analysis. Experts’ interviewed in occasion of this study underscored in particular that Chileans do not perceive and evaluate the police as part of the national judicial and enforcement system. In addition, alternative explanations for the judiciary and courts being among the least trusted institutions in Chile is the negative connotation stemming from their role during the dictatorship, as well as “light” punishments in high-profile corruption cases (see Chapter 4). Other reasons for low public support may be the existence of an unequal judiciary system favouring elites with faster and more efficient treatment over vulnerable groups and bending the rules and cases in their favour (United Nations Human Rights Special Procedures, 2024[14]; University of Minnesota, 2019[15]). Indeed, findings from a recent survey find that 83% of Chileans believe they are not equal before the law (TuInfluyes, 2024[16]). The Judiciary branch in Costa Rica has promoted the Open Justice Policy and Open Courts Model to increase transparency and address low trust issues that could be of interest for Chile (Box 2.4).
In Chile, the police system is divided into two branches: “Carabineros de Chile”, responsible for general police services and ensuring safety across the country, and “Policía de Investigaciones” (PDI), responsible for criminal investigations, intelligence gathering, migration control and international cooperation (ChileAtiende, 2024[17]). Data from the OECD Trust Survey, as with most existing cross-country surveys, do not differentiate between types of police. Calls for reforms of the Carabineros have been spurred following public protests and concerns over police conduct, suggesting the need to improve training, oversight, and community relations.
Trust in the police remain generally high across OECD countries, including in Chile (OECD, 2024[2]). This similarly high trust in the institution in Chile may seem surprising given the incidents of police brutality during social protests in 2019, which research suggests typically negatively impact trust due to media coverage (Mawby, 2013[18]). Indeed, trust in the police has been shown to be vulnerable to long-term processes or major events, such as incidents of malpractice or perceived declines in police effectiveness (Bradford and Jackson, 2010[19]). Moreover, the deaths of carabineros in the line of duty (Arnaldo Sepúlveda, Luis Cerda, Víctor Rivera, 2023[20]), alongside rising perceptions of insecurity, have attracted considerable public attention, dominating the national agenda and leading to the passing of several security and crime control bills during this period (Gobierno del Chile, 2024[21]).
However, trust in institutions such as the police often stems from a broader understanding of their role rather than personal experiences. The comparatively high levels of trust in the police may also result from the inherent feature of constitutional democracies where the political elements of government are separated from those providing public goods, with the latter serving public purposes like security and welfare. Unlike more political institutions, police forces benefit from broad agreement within the public about their commitment and operate over a sustained period of time (Uslaner, 2017[22]).
Moreover, trust in the police may vary across socioeconomic status, region, or racial and ethnic background, with lower trust observed among marginalised groups (Van Craen and Skogan, 2014[23]). In Latin America, trust is influenced by class, governance opinions, and perceived corruption, with indigenous people typically showing lower trust levels (Caicedo, 2022[24]). Findings from the OECD Trust Survey in Chile highlight significant trust gaps in the police between population groups. For example, only 46% of women reported trusting the police compared to a 57% among men; similarly, women reported to be more concerned about crime. Additionally, higher educated (59%), older generations (57%) and people with fewer financial anxiety (65%) showed significantly higher trust in the police than lower educated (47%), younger generations (41%) and people with higher financial anxiety (49%). These variations highlight the importance of context-specific factors in understanding trust in law enforcement institutions.
Source: (OECD, 2023[3]).
Since 2018, Costa Rica's Judicial Branch has piloted the Open Justice Policy, significantly enhancing transparency and public trust in the Judiciary in piloting courts through the co-creation of the Open Courts Model.
At the start of the initiative, civil society representatives, judges and civil servants in the Judicial Branch offices (for example the Judicial Audit Office) met in participatory workshops. The aim of these workshops was to identify open justice actions to make their services more relevant and efficient for users, and overall enhancing the value of the judiciary for the public.
The Open Courts Model was piloted in four courts which participated in training on open justice, plain language, citizen participation, and accountability, featuring an implementation plan with concrete steps of actions for the next years.
So far, the pilot has not been extended to other courts, but the participatory workshops and agenda setting enhanced a closer user-state relationship in the piloting courts, with the aim to provide a positive effect on trust levels in the Judiciary.
Source: PGC Trust Signature Initiatives (Justicia Abierta, 2024[25]).
When it comes to political institutions, the local government (36%) and the regional governments (29%) in Chile elicit similar levels of trust as the national government (30%), a trend that contrasts with most OECD countries, where trust in local and regional government is generally higher than trust in the national government. In addition, the National Congress (19%) and political parties (14%) are the least trusted public institutions in Chile, similar to trends across OECD countries (Figure 2.5). Consistently low levels of trust in political parties in Chile have been confirmed by other survey data, showing a continuous declining trend since the early 2000s (Latinobarometer, 1996-2023). These perceptions may have been further affected by the constitutional process and may reflect common views on the underrepresentation of certain groups in politics (see Chapter 1).
Moreover, 46% of people express high or moderately high trust in the electoral system, making it the second most trusted institution in the country (Figure 2.7). These findings suggest that despite fluctuations in the levels of trust in the electoral system over time (Latinobarometer 2002-2023), Chile's electoral institutions appeared to be well-functioning and in line with democratic standards (IDEA International, 2021[26]). In addition, recent electoral reforms have aimed at increasing political representation, addressing voters’ disconnection with politics.
Finally, trust in civil society organisations, much like trust in other people, provides valuable insights into the level of collective action and adherence to laws and regulations. Unlike previous data from other population surveys that indicate low interpersonal trust, half of Chileans (51%) reported high or moderately high trust in other people, potentially influenced by the participative and inclusive political context at the time of the OECD Trust Survey.2 When looking at the distribution of responses to trust in other people, the highest frequency of responses is neutral (“5”on the 0-10 scale), followed by moderate and high trust (scores 6-8). Additionally, one-third of Chileans answered they hold high or moderately high trust in civil society organisations. This may coincide with negative perceptions related to at the time of the survey, regarding the alleged transfer of irregular funds from regional governments to politically connected organisations (Bravo, 2023[27]), suggesting barriers to collective action.
2.2.4. Trust in public institutions varies by individuals’ sense of economic, political and physical security
There are profound disparities within the Chilean society in perceptions of public institutions. Similar to OECD countries, marginalised groups — those grappling with economic, political and physical insecurity, as well as younger population groups — exhibit lower trust in the national government. Compared to averages across OECD countries, Chile’s gaps between population groups are smaller by gender, age, income, education and perceptions of political voice. However, the Chilean trust gap between those with and without financial concerns (25 percentage points) is above the OECD average of 17 percentage points (Figure 2.8).
Share of population with high or moderately high trust in the national government in Chile by level of respondents’ socio-economic and demographic characteristics, partisanship and political agency, 2023
Note: The figure presents the weighted averages for Chile and the unweighted averages across OECD countries of responses to the question “On a scale of 0 to 10, where 0 is not at all and 10 is completely, how much do you trust the national government?” by respondents’ feelings of political agency, partisanship, socio-economic background and demographic characteristics. Shown here is the proportion of respondents that have “high or moderately high trust” based on the aggregation of responses from 6-10 on the 0-10 response scale, grouped by respondents’ feeling of political agency (feeling confident to have a say in what the government does) and partisanship (voted for government during last national elections), socio-economic background (income, financial concerns, economic mobility, education), demographic characteristics (gender, age) and concerns about being the victim of a crime. Financial concerns are measured by asking ‘’In general, thinking about the next year or two, how concerned are you about your household's finances and overall social and economic well-being?’’ and aggregating responses 3 (somewhat concerned) and 4 (very concerned). Low education is defined as below upper secondary educational attainment (including low and middle levels of education) and high education as tertiary education, following the ISCED 2011 classification. Income is defined as the bottom 20%, and top 20% of the household net income in Chile. Economic mobility is measured with the following survey question: “Thinking about your current economic situation and future prospects, do you think you will do better, worse or about the same as your parents have?” and Crime concerns by asking “How often, if at all, do you worry about becoming a victim of a violent crime in Chile?”.
Source: OECD Trust Survey 2023.
People’s feeling of political agency, including their feeling of having an influence in political decision-making, as well as their partisan alignment, are the most crucial in explaining variations in trust (OECD, 2024[2]). Chileans who feel that the current political system does not let people like them have a say tend to trust the national government 45 percentage points less than those who feel they have political voice. This trust gap is smaller than the 47 percentage points gap on average across OECD countries.
Aside from asking about support for the current government in the last national election, the OECD Trust Survey lacks questions about political orientation and attitudes toward political parties. However, the survey question asking respondents whether they (would have) voted for the current government is useful for assessing polarisation, as a trust gap in public institutions can indicate partisan dynamics that contributes to political polarisation.
Similar to findings across OECD countries (OECD, 2024[2]), in Chile the trust gap between those who (would have) voted for a party in power and those who did not is 30 percentage points. This “partisanship gap” in trust in national government cannot be considered as a sign of polarisation, but trust in other, more “administrative”, facets of government such as the police, courts and judicial system, and the national civil service should in principle be shielded from partisanship. In this regard, a noteworthy gap by political alignment was also found in trust in the national civil service (16 percentage points), showing signs of political polarisation (Figure 2.9). Among these administrative facets of government the police is the only public institution which is perceived as more trustworthy among those who did not vote for a party in power, and the trust gap in courts and the judicial system is negligible.
Share of population with high or moderately high trust in different public institutions by whether people voted for the government or not, 2023
Note: The figure presents responses to the question “On a scale of 0 to 10, where 0 is not at all and 10 is completely, how much do you trust [institution]’’ by respondents’ political alignment. Shown here is the proportion of respondents that have “high or moderately high trust’’ based on the aggregation of responses from 6-10 on the 0-10 response scale, grouped by whether people voted (or would have) voted for the government in power: ‘’Is the party you voted for in the last national election on [DATE] currently part of the government?’’.
Source: OECD Trust Survey 2023.
Following the trust gaps attributed to political agency and partisanship, perceptions of crime reveal the next most significant trust gap in Chile (Figure 2.8). People who are worried about a violent crime have, on average, 22 percentage points lower trust in the national government than people who are not worried. In other words, only 23% of those who are concerned about crime in their surroundings report high or moderately high trust in the government, compared to 45% among people who are not concerned about crime. Given that 62% of respondents identify crime and violence as a top priority for the country and considering that the perception of crime prevalence seems to have increased in recent years, this is an important trend to monitor.
A pronounced trust gap can be also found amongst individuals burdened by financial concerns. Only 27% of Chileans who anticipate feeling economic and financial concerns over the next two years express high or moderately high trust in the government, compared to 52% of Chileans who do not feel concerned. Similar trust gaps by financial concerns are evident for trust in political parties and the civil service. However, the trust gap related to financial concerns is smallest for the police (Figure 2.10).
Moreover, almost equally important to financial worries about the future are people’s perceptions of economic mobility. 35% of people who feel they will do better than their parents reported having high or moderately high trust, whereas only 22% of those who feel they will do worse than their parents have high or moderately high trust in the national government. At the same time, 32% of those with higher income reported having high or moderately high trust compared to 19% among those with lower income, a 13 percentage points difference. This trust gap is smaller than the 15 percentage points income gap on average across OECD countries. The lower levels of trust in public institutions among people with economic anxiety could reflect a scepticism towards government’s ability to promote economic inclusiveness and addressing people’s socio-economic needs.
Share of population who indicate high or moderately high trust in respective institution in Chile by level of respondents’ financial and economic concerns, 2023
Note: The figure presents the weighted averages for Chile of responses to the question “On a scale of 0 to 10, where 0 is not at all and 10 is completely, how much do you trust in the respective institution?” by respondents’ feelings of economic insecurity and financial concerns). Financial concerns are measured by asking ‘’In general, thinking about the next year or two, how concerned are you about your household's finances and overall social and economic well-being?’’ and aggregating responses 3 (somewhat concerned) and 4 (very concerned).
Source: OECD Trust Survey 2023.
Finally, trust gaps by age, education and gender are smaller in Chile than across the OECD. Interestingly, in contrast to the cross-country OECD findings, in Chile there is no difference in the high or moderately high trust in the government between women and men (see Box 2.5). 30% of women and 31% of men expressed high or moderately high trust in government. Differences by age are one percentage point smaller, and by education two percentage points larger, than across the OECD (Figure 2.8). However, these similarities with other surveyed countries do not make the differences by age and education irrelevant. In Chile, older individuals have 6 percentage points higher trust in the national government compared to younger individuals, while those with lower or medium levels of education exhibit 12 percentage points lower trust compared to those with higher education.
In contrast, younger people tend to trust the national congress (7 percentage points), courts and judicial system (8 percentage points) and political parties (8 percentages points) more than older people (Figure 2.11). This result suggests that younger generations may have a more optimistic view of these institutions, which may be shaped by greater engagement in public life, including through public consultations and demonstrations. Interestingly, the younger population does not feel a greater sense of political agency compared to older generations (see Chapter 4). On the other hand, the younger generation finds the police (12 percentage points) and the electoral system (13 percentage points) less trustworthy than the older population, both of which are the public institutions most trusted across the entire population (Rodríguez et al., 2024[28]).
Share of respondents who indicate high or moderately high levels of trust in different public institutions by age, 2023
Note: The figure presents the share to the question “On a scale of 0 to 10, where 0 is not at all and 10 is completely, how much do you trust the [institution]?”. Shown here are responses 6-10 to “high or moderately high trust“, by age groups. All differences in high or moderately high trust in the national government between younger (18-29) and older (50+) respondents are significant at p<0.05.
Source: OECD Trust Survey 2023.
Since 2015, institutional reforms have contributed to increasing political representation of women and minority groups in Chilean politics. These reforms were part of broader efforts to democratise the political system, enhance representation, and address long-standing concerns around inequality and social justice in Chile.
Firstly, the 2015 electoral reform passed an open list proportional representation system, with important changes for women’s representation (Law N° 20.840, Law N° 20.900 and Law N° 20.915). The reform introduced a legislative gender quota on candidates in congressional elections, requiring that a maximum of 60% of candidates should be of the same gender. Additionally, parties receive a financial incentive for each elected women at the parliamentary election, female candidates elected are eligible for an additional reimbursement of electoral expenses based on the number of votes received, and at least 10% of the state funding for each political party should be spend on promoting women’s political representation.
Secondly, as part of institutional rules shaping processes to redraft the constitution, Chile implemented gender parity by requiring equal representation of women and men among the constitutional assembly, becoming the first constitution-writing body to adopt such parity. This body aimed to address democratic deficits and reflected the influence of feminist mobilisation and advocacy in shaping the constitutional reform process.
2.3.1. Public governance drivers of trust in Chile
Trust in government and public institutions is driven by many interacting factors. The OECD Framework on Drivers of Trust in Public Institutions distinguishes three categories of factors that influence levels of trust (Table 2.1). First, five main public governance drivers assess the degree to which people expect institutions to be reliable and responsive in formulating and implementing policies and services while upholding values of fairness, integrity, and openness. Although these expectations can vary based on daily policy implementation or decision-making on global issues, institutions that align their behaviour with these expectations can foster feelings of security, dignity, and mutual respect. Governments can directly influence these perceptions and leverage them to strengthen trust. Second, trust in public institutions is driven by the perceived capacity of government to address complex and global challenges. People need to be confident that public institutions can manage services responsively and tackle policy issues while maintaining accountability and ensuring public participation. Lastly, various cultural, socio-economic factors, and political preferences influence trust. Building trust in public institutions requires a holistic approach that addresses public governance performance and acknowledges the impact of demographic and socio-economic backgrounds, as well as perceptions of political agency, on people's experiences and trust in these institutions (OECD, 2024[2]).
Overall, people in Chile show greater confidence in the government's ability to tackle complex and global challenges and in public integrity than the average across OECD countries. Similar to results across other countries surveyed, on average, Chileans’ perceptions of government reliability and openness are more positive than perceptions of other public governance drivers. However, compared to other OECD countries, Chileans express more negative attitudes about the fairness of government processes and treatments, highlighting an important area for improvement (Figure 2.10).
Share of population expressing confidence in government reliability, responsiveness, openness, integrity, fairness and ability to address complex and/or global policy challenges (average across survey questions), OECD, 2023
Note: The figure presents the average of “likely” responses across all survey questions related to “reliability” (3 questions), “responsiveness” (4 questions), “integrity” (4 questions), “openness” (4 questions), “fairness” (3 questions), and “complex and/or global challenges” (2 questions). The share of ‘’likely’’ correspond to those who select an answer from 6 to 10 on the 0-10 response scale.
Source: OECD Trust Survey 2023.
This section of the chapter focuses on how perceptions of public governance affect public trust in the national and local governments and the national civil service in Chile. These relationships are analysed through an econometric analysis, useful for the assessment of multiple drivers of trust in public institutions and to identify those factors that have the largest influence on trust levels. More precisely, the econometric analysis reveals how an individual's likelihood of having high or moderately high trust in a public institution increases with a positive perception of public governance drivers, while considering individuals’ socio-economic and political backgrounds constant. The regression analysis presented here follows a similar methodology to that implemented in the 2023 OECD Trust Survey Report (OECD, 2024[2]) (see Box 2.5 and Annex A for more details). Despite methodological limitations, the econometric analysis is a useful tool to understand which public governance drivers have the strongest association with trust, even when accounting for other variables that are known to affect trust. Results from this analysis offer a strategic direction for Chile to bolster trust. Subsequent sections highlight these regression results on trust within various public institutions, showing the status and strength of each governance driver's relationship with trust.
The analysis of the drivers of trust in Chile suggests five main results (Table 2.2):
First, the determinants of trust differ across institutions, suggesting different policies might be needed to build or strengthen trust in the national government, the local government and the civil service.
Second, perceptions of accountability among institutions and effective checks and balances between branches of government are the only public governance driver which is statistically significant for trust in all the public institutions under analysis (national and local governments and civil service). This result highlights the relevance of strengthening the rule of law and limiting abuse of power for representative democracy in Chile.
Third, positive perceptions regarding government’s ability to collaborate with national stakeholders to address long-term challenges have a significant impact on trust in the national government and the civil service, underscoring how relevant it is for Chile to build broad national consensus and promote inclusive decision-making.
Fourth, treating people fairly and giving them the opportunity to voice their needs, opinions and concerns is crucial to build and restore trust in institutions. This specifically refers to the institutions that people engage with on a daily basis, such as local government and the civil service. This result emphasizes the relevance of policies and initiatives aiming at tackling inequalities in the country, not only in economic terms, but also by ensuring equal access to decision making and services.
Finally, addressing inequalities in the long term, by balancing intergenerational interests, could also improve trust levels in national and local governments.
The econometric results presented below are logistic regression analyses for establishing the main drivers of trust in the national government, the local government and the civil service in Chile.
The outcome variables – or dependent variables – in the regression models implemented for this report is trust in the national government, the local government and the national civil service. Those three variables are recoded as a binary variable, with two categories for low or no trust (0-4) and moderately to high trust (6-10). Responses (5) and “don’t know” are excluded.
The analysis operationalizes government competencies (including satisfaction with administrative services) and values through 19 variables, measured on a 0-10 response scale and standardized for the analysis. Political agency is operationalized through two variables measuring internal and external political efficacy, meaning an individual’s confidence in participating in politics and their perception that people like them have a say in what government does. Perceptions of government actions on global and long-term challenges are measured by survey questions on confidence in the country’s success in reducing greenhouse emissions, and confidence that the government balances the interests of current and future generations.
The following explains the technical details about the econometric analysis.
Model specification:
All three models control for individuals’ socio-demographic characteristics (age, gender, education), interpersonal trust, experiencing security or financial concerns, perceptions on economic mobility and feeling part of a group discriminated against. The models also control for whether people voted (or would have voted) for one of the parties currently in power. Regression results referring to the control variables are not shown. All models include survey weights. The logistic regression model uses a stepwise deletion process in which only highly significant variables are kept in each deletion step. These regression models also include three additional survey questions implemented in the Chilean survey as independent variables (Box 2.1).
Technical interpretation:
The statistically significant drivers are shown as average marginal effects. Statistically significant refers to those public governance variables included in the logistic regression model that resulted in p<0.05. The technical interpretation of the effect of government’s reliability in taking evidence-based decisions on trust, for example, is that a one-standard-deviation increase in perceived reliability is associated with a 8 percentage point increase in trust in the national government. Or – taking into consideration all other variables in the model – all else being constant, moving from the average citizen to one with a typically higher level of confidence in government’s reliability is associated with a 8 percentage point increase in trust in the national government.
Cautious interpretation:
Some caution should be taken when interpreting the regression results, as they only represent a correlational not a causal relationship between trust in the three public institutions and the public governance drivers of trust. Additionally, all independent variables in the regression model are correlated and the direction of the relationship between trust and the drivers of trust may point the other way too.
Percentage point change in high or moderately high trust in the respective institution in response to improvements in selected public governance variables in Chile, 2023
Note: The table shows the statistically significant determinants of trust in the national government, local government and national civil service in a logistic estimation that controls for individual characteristics, including whether they voted or would have voted for one of the current parties in power, self-reported levels of interpersonal trust.). People’s perceptions together with the coefficient size gives a good indication of where the government could focus on.
Source: OECD Trust Survey 2023.
2.3.2. The drivers of trust in national government in 2023
The government’s ability to cooperate with stakeholders to address long-term challenges, use evidence in decision-making and balance intergenerational interests are highly associated with trust in national government in Chile
The most significant driver of trust in the national government in Chile is the government’s ability to cooperate with stakeholders, such as the private sector or trade unions, to address long-term challenges. This survey question - specifically implemented in the Chilean survey – shows that individuals who are confident in the government’s ability to cooperate are 11.6 percentage points more likely to have high or moderately high trust in national government. This result suggests that beyond initiatives and policies tackling complex policy challenges, the political process enabling them is equally important, that is, inclusive policymaking. On average 45% of Chileans believe that the government can cooperate with stakeholders; the government could, thus, further leverage this positive perception to boost trust (Figure 2.13).
Similar to findings in other OECD countries, in Chile people's trust in their national government is greatly influenced by their belief that the government uses the best evidence available for decision-making and balances the needs of current and future generations effectively. Individuals confident in these areas are respectively 8 and 7 percentage points more likely to trust their national government to a high or moderate degree. To enhance public trust, the Chilean government could capitalise on the slightly positive views of government’s ability to make decisions based on evidence (37%). Additionally, a priority could be to understand how the public perceives fairness in managing the interests of different generations and to consider these perceptions in future policies and programs.
In addition to these factors, other aspects of public governance play an important role in building trust in the national government in Chile. These include the ability of the national congress to hold the government accountable which could potentially boost trust by 5.4 percentage points; explaining reform’s impact to citizens (5.3 percentage points); and ensuring citizens feel they can influence government actions, being associated with a 5.2 percentage points trust increase. It is important to note that this could be a particular are of focus for the Chilean government, as only 22% of respondents said that they feel they have a voice in what the government does.
Percentage point change in high or moderately high trust in the national government in response to improvements in selected public governance variables (X-axis) and Chile’s positive perceptions in the noted variables (Y-axis)
Note: The figure shows the statistically significant determinants of trust in the national government in a logistic estimation that controls for individual characteristics, including whether they voted or would have voted for one of the current parties in power, self-reported levels of interpersonal trust. All variables depicted are statistically significant at p<0.05.
Source: OECD Trust Survey 2023.
2.3.3. The drivers of trust in civil service in 2023
Co-operation with stakeholders and ensuring political voice are the most relevant drivers of trust in the national civil service
The government’s ability to co-operate with stakeholders to tackle long-term challenges, ensuring political voice and fair treatment are key for trust in the civil service in Chile (Figure 2.14). Similar to trust in the national government, the variable likely having the highest influence on trust in the national civil service is the government's ability to co-operate with other stakeholders to tackle complex long-term challenges, linked to a 6 percentage points increase in trust. Other governance elements that also significantly contribute to trust in the national civil service in Chile include ensuring public participation and political voice in government decisions (6 percentage points) and treating public service applications fairly (5 percentage points).
Additionally, two aspects of public integrity and reliability stand out as important for trust in the national civil service in Chile. Firstly, perceptions that the national congress holds the government accountable are associated with a 3.3 percentage point increase. This is a variable for which almost half of the Chileans have positive perceptions (44%) and thus could be leveraged further. Secondly, the government’s ability to regulate technology and assist citizens and business in its responsible use could potentially increase trust by 4.8 percentage points. On this issue, 40% of Chileans believe the government is currently performing well.
Percentage point change in high or moderately high trust in the national civil service in response to improvements in selected public governance variables (X-axis) and Chile’s positive perceptions in the noted variables (Y-axis)
Note: The figure shows the most robust determinants of self-reported trust in the national civil service in a logistic estimation that controls for individual characteristics, including whether they voted or would have voted for one of the current parties in power, self-reported levels of interpersonal trust. All variables depicted are statistically significant at p<0.05.
Source: OECD Trust Survey 2023.
2.3.4. The drivers of trust in local government in 2023
Giving citizens the opportunity to voice their views and balancing intergenerational interests are highly associated with trust in local government in Chile
A key factor in boosting trust in local governments in Chile is the perceived opportunity for individuals to express their opinions on decisions impacting their community. This finding is similarly found in other OECD countries (OECD, 2024[2]). Those who believe local governments are likely to provide opportunities for citizens to participate, are 10 percentage points more likely to trust their local government (Figure 2.15). Currently 41% of Chileans feel local governments are likely to be open on this, thus increasing this share would be key for boosting trust in local governments.
Interestingly and similarly to cross-country findings from the 2023 OECD Trust Survey, the national government's ability to consider the needs of both current and future generations — viewed as likely by 41% of people in Chile — also affects trust in local government, with a 9.3 percentage point increased likelihood of high or moderate trust. This suggests that individuals value long-term planning across all levels of government, and even more in Chile than on average across OECD countries.
Trust in local government is also positively influenced by individuals’ perceptions of equitable treatment of service applications and their expectations that national congress holds government accountable. The expectation that one's application will be fairly processed is associated to a 5.5 percentage points higher likelihood in high or moderately high trust levels and holding the government accountable by 3.5 percentage points in high or moderately high trust.
Percentage point change in high or moderately high trust in the local government in response to improvements in selected public governance variables (X-axis) and Chile’s positive perceptions in the noted variables (Y-axis)
Note: The figure shows the statistically significant determinants of trust in the local government in a logistic estimation that controls for individual characteristics, including whether they voted or would have voted for one of the current parties in power, self-reported levels of interpersonal trust. All variables depicted are statistically significant at p<0.05.
Source: OECD Trust Survey 2023.
2.3.5. Opportunities to enhance trust across institutions and population groups
Results from the 2023 OECD Trust Survey indicate that levels of trust vary across public institutions. Chileans’ trust in the national civil service and courts and the judicial system have the largest gaps compared to OECD countries. Further, people with physical and economic concerns, as well as lower sense of political agency, have consistently lower levels of trust in public institutions. Indeed, these discrepancies in trust levels across various subgroups highlight the need for targeted policies that bolster trust in public institutions amongst those in most need. Policy actions to enhance trust across institutions and population groups include the following:
Collect regular data on the drivers of trust to monitor the evolution of trust and to identify where to invest to preserve and strengthen trust in public institutions. In this area, ensure that survey samples are representative of the diversity of the population, by combining socio-economic characteristics, and continue measuring perceptions of different aspects of security.
Policies aimed at mitigating perceived economic vulnerability and discrimination could be crucial in closing the trust gap and fostering trust in public institutions among all population groups. Addressing these factors is essential as they significantly influence individuals' trust levels.
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← 1. This result is consistent with historical trust trends from other sources depicted in Chapter 1. In particular, according to the Gallup World Poll Survey, 35% of Chileans trusted the government in 2023. This small difference in results may be related to the different wording of the question as well as the response scale, which is binary (trust/no trust) for the Gallup World Poll Survey.
← 2. According to the OECD Trust Survey 51% of Chileans trust other people, a number that appears high compared to trust in public institutions, but which is still 11 percentage points below the OECD average and the third lowest level across all surveyed countries. Differences in results may be linked to the phrasing of the question addressing interpersonal trust. In the World Values Survey, the longest time series, the question asked to respondents is: “Generally speaking, would you say that most people can be trusted or that you need to be very careful in dealing with people?”, while in the OECD Trust Survey it is: “To start with, a general question about trust. On a scale from 0 to 10, where 0 is not at all and 10 is completely, in general how much do you trust most people?”. The question as included in the OECD Trust Survey allows for a more nuanced response, than a binary answer. In addition, the phrasing of this question is long discussed in OECD Guidelines on Measuring Trust (OECD, 2017[32]), including through primary evidence generated by the National Statistical Office of the United Kingdom. Their analysis concludes that interpersonal trust questions that use a “People cannot be too careful” phrasing, compared to a more neutral question wording that focuses solely on trust ‘’in other people’’, induce a priming effect on relatively vulnerable groups. Resulting responses might reflect differences in cautiousness rather than trust (as the use of careful may have different connotations and create some noise in the answers, deviating the focus from trust).