National Urban Policy Review of Colombia

Report

OECD Urban Studies

27 May 2022

3. Policies for sustainable cities in Colombia

Abstract

This chapter looks at the major elements of Colombian urban policies. It begins with an exploration of land use planning, looking at the current process to formulate land use plans (POTs), which is costly and prone to political influence. This is followed by an examination of Colombia’s barriers to mobility, which suggests building a more competitive and cost-effective public transport network in Colombian cities. The chapter then moves on to discuss the digitalisation of cities and how it can foster inclusive development. The chapter also examines the challenges to raising productivity levels in Colombian cities currently deterred by infrastructure gaps. It ends with an exploration of urban inequality, emphasising the need to improve the management of the public space, the regularisation of informal settlements and the inclusion of urban safety measures in urban policy.

Introduction

Colombia is at a crossroads in its urban development process. Although the country is urbanising rapidly, it is not fully prepared to profit from and deal with the consequences and effects of urbanisation. The urban population is growing but this is largely, although not uniquely, due to the rural and international migration process that is creating pressure on cities to provide additional housing and services. Moreover, although Colombians living in cities have increasing access to basic services, this is not guaranteed for all residents. Access to affordable housing, reliable and safe commuting options, jobs and opportunities, drinking water, good air quality and safe public spaces are some of the still pending tasks in most cities in the country.

As Chapter 1 noted, Colombia has gone through an accelerated but disorderly urbanisation process. Colombian cities are in a context where densification has co-evolved with suburbanisation, in other words, urban low-density areas are growing faster than high-density areas. A similar situation is observed in countries like Greece, Ireland, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom (UK) where increases in urban average population density are accompanied with an urban growth footprint occupied by areas of very low density (150-1 500 inhabitants per km²) (OECD, 2018[1]). Migratory waves due to forced or voluntary displacement have largely contributed to the emergence of informal settlements around cities, generally in risk locations, making residents vulnerable to disasters. The expansion of agricultural and urban land without integrated planning is damaging biodiversity and the natural environment. In high-density areas, the price of land is out of reach for low-income households, which pushes them out towards suburban areas poorly connected to jobs and services.

The National Policy for the Consolidation of the System of Cities in Colombia (CONPES 3819 or hereafter “System of Cities”) has been seminal in highlighting some key strategic areas where the country needs to make more progress. It is the latest in a series of national urban policies (NUPs) implemented to have a more orderly urbanisation process. As noted in Chapter 2, Colombia has also issued a long series of regulations designed to facilitate the implementation of the NUP. However, those policies and regulations have not been enough to improve the quality of urbanisation. This could be partially explained by limitations in the governance arrangements (see Chapter 5) and the lack of a holistic approach to urban development where civil society takes a central role.

Colombia needs to invest more in building competitive, inclusive and sustainable cities in line with the United Nations (UN) Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Urban development should be approached from a holistic view, while specific sectoral policies need to be recalibrated to take into account their impact on people’s well-being, economic competitiveness and environmental sustainability.

The assessment and recommendations formulated in this chapter are based on the information collected through: a literature review; the background questionnaire answered by the national government of Colombia; interviews with different stakeholders from the national and subnational governments as well as members of the academia; and the OECD Survey on Urban Policy in Colombia, 2021, conducted with the support of the Ministry of Housing, Cities and Territory (MVCT) of Colombia and the Colombian Association of Capital Cities (AsoCapitales).

This chapter focuses on key urban policy priorities that could help Colombia underpin its next generation of urban policy. These priorities are not meant to be addressed separately but as part of a holistic interdependent mix of sectoral policies that shape cities’ competitiveness, inclusiveness and sustainability.

Pursuing urban sustainability

A comprehensive regulatory and policy framework, and the accumulated experience with NUP built over the last two decades, put Colombia in a strong position to strive for building sustainable cities in terms of environmental quality, equity and economic viability. Urban compact developments have the potential to contribute to sustainability through dense and proximate development patterns, urban areas connected by public transport, and accessibility to jobs and services (OECD, 2012[2]) (see Chapter 1). Lowering reliance on the surrounding countryside for food, energy, water and land for housing, and landfills to dispose of waste should be at the core of this goal. A compact city has the potential to foster social cohesion and mobility: for example, shorter intra-urban travel distances mean lower travel costs, which will benefit low- and medium-income households in particular. However, policies to encourage more intensive use of built-up areas may create challenges such as increased traffic congestion, air pollution, a lack of vegetation in cities, loss of open green space and insufficient affordable housing if they are not planned and implemented efficiently. By combining housing and transport costs in urban development, it is possible to strengthen affordable housing policies as low-income households may have more disposable income to spend on other goods (Litman, 2017[3]). Compact urban development patterns can also reduce the cost of building and maintaining infrastructure, which is of key importance for Colombia to bridge the infrastructure gap (DNP, 2014[4]; Gobierno de Colombia, 2014[5]). It may also contribute to increasing labour productivity, as employment density increases with the diversity of skills and diffusion of knowledge (OECD, 2012[2]).

Thus, Colombia should promote links among economic, social and environmental goals to build sustainable cities. Figure 3.1 shows how the three dimensions are connected and have an impact on each other. For example, mobility (public transport) solutions can deepen labour markets and reduce commuting costs for workers while reducing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and increasing access to jobs and services, thereby enhancing liveability. The recommendations proposed in this chapter intend to contribute to fostering urban sustainability. A key aspect is to ensure that these policy actions are co-ordinated within an overarching nationwide vision of how Colombian society sees the future of its cities, which should be stated in an NUP. Figure 3.1 highlights some recommendations that refer to specific policy sectors. The new NUP and these recommendations are mutually reinforcing.

Improving spatial and land use planning

Despite efforts to plan land use more effectively and ensure a more orderly urban growth, Colombian cities continue to experiment with illegal settlements, partly due to inadequate planning and the lack of land on which to build formal housing. A key feature of this urbanisation process is “legalised illegality”, as many informal settlements are legalised by local authorities expecting political support, which might become an incentive for illegal developers to continue illegal urbanisation. This phenomenon often occurs during electoral processes, when political candidates promise to legalise illegal land occupation in return for political support in elections. Some settlers occupy land, expecting that it will eventually be legalised and equipped with public services. Housing units are self-built by occupants but without following construction codes. Municipalities then have to resort to urban improvement programmes to improve living conditions in informal settlements.

Colombia has two main instruments to guide strategic and spatial planning: land use plans (planes de ordenamiento territorial, POTs) and territorial development plans (planes de desarrollo territorial, PDTs). Even though both instruments are mandatory for subnational governments, their relevance is not always understood by local policy makers and these plans are therefore not always aligned and implemented.

Figure 3.1. Enhancing urban sustainability in Colombia

Strategic planning is underexploited and reduced to a bureaucratic requirement

Colombia has developed a comprehensive set of planning tools and has made significant efforts to improve coherence between those and budgeting investments at all levels of government (OECD, 2016[6]). Subnational governments (departments and municipalities) design four-year PDT to guide socio-economic development and environmental management and are supposed to be in line with the National Development Plan (Plan Nacional de Desarrollo, PND). PDTs are the basic planning instrument through which subnational administrations define the programmes and projects to be carried out during their four-year political term. They are regulated by the Organic Law of the Development Plan (Law 152 of 1994) (Gobierno de Colombia, 1994[7]). They include the objectives, goals and programmes of the departmental or municipal government as well as the medium- and short-term investment plan (Gobierno de Colombia, 1994[8]). To be approved, any public investment project at the subnational level must be in line with the departmental and municipal PDT. A territorial planning council in each department and municipality oversees the implementation of the PDT and includes representatives from civil society and the private sector.

However, OECD research found that the potential of subnational development plans to guide effective investment has been underexploited (OECD, 2016[6]). For many subnational authorities in Colombia, the planning activity is a merely formal exercise and transformed into a bureaucratic activity, which limits their effectiveness. In many cases, external experts are hired to design the PDT, which are elaborated based on a diagnosis that does not reflect actual local needs and political orientations. Their implementation is characterised by isolated projects, which are disconnected from any strategy. PDTs also lack financial resources, which leads to weak monitoring of their implementation (OECD, 2016[6]).

POTs are too complex and mostly outdated and underused

Land use planning in Colombia is guided by Law 388 of 1997 on Land Management (Gobierno de Colombia, 1997[9]). Municipalities must adopt and implement a 12-year POT and the PDT, of shorter duration (four years), should, in turn, be articulated with the POT. The POTs should guide the organisation of the municipal territory, the equitable and rational use of land, the preservation of their ecological heritage and the execution of urban planning. The land use planning system is grounded in the legal framework as Law 388 sets the rules for the formulation of the POTs (Box 3.1).

Box 3.1. Land use plans (POTs)

Colombian municipalities have to formulate a land use plan (POT). These plans are supposed to be revised at a minimum every three constitutional periods, which last four years. The POTs establish the policies, objectives, strategies, programmes and projects, norms, instruments and execution programmes to guide and manage the physical development of a territory and use of land. There are three different types of POTs defined according to population levels. Law 388 of 1997 specifies that when it refers to POTs, it is understood that it includes all types of plans, POTs, PBOTs and EOTs as follows:

Land use plans (planes de ordenamiento territorial, POT) for municipalities with over 100 000 inhabitants.
Basic land use plans (planes básicos de ordenamiento territorial, PBOT) for municipalities with a population of 30 000 to 100 000 inhabitants.
Land use schemes (esquemas de ordenamiento territorial, EOT) for municipalities with a population of fewer than 30 000 inhabitants.

According to Decree 1077 of 2015, the elaboration of a POT and its subsequent modifications must pass through the following stages: diagnosis, formulation, agreement, consultation, approval and adoption, and monitoring and evaluation.

POTs are defined as the ensemble of objectives, directives, goals, programmes, operations and regulations adopted to guide and manage both the physical development of the territory and land use. POTs are the basic instrument to develop the process of planning the municipal territory.

POTs and PBOTs must have three main components:

General component: This includes long-term objectives and strategies for the management of land use. It also includes the communication system between urban and rural areas, the delimitation of conservation and protected areas, and classification of the territory into urban, rural and urban expansion land.
Urban component: This includes medium- and short-term policies for the use of urban land and areas of expansion, localisation of infrastructure for transport and intercommunication across urban areas; delimitation of conservation areas in urban land; the strategy for the development of social housing programmes (viviendas de interés social) in urban areas; strategies for orderly city growth; operation areas of urban macro-projects; and guidelines for partial plans.
Rural component: This includes long- and medium-term policies for managing human settlements in rural areas; conditions for the protection and improvement of agriculture, forest and mining areas; determination of suburban areas and delimitation of maximum densities; identification of rural settlements and provisions for infrastructure provision; and water provision schemes.

Source: Gobierno de Colombia (1997[9]), Ley 388 de 1997 - Ley de Ordenamiento Territorial, https://www.minenergia.gov.co/documents/10180//23517//22687-Ley_388_de_1997.pdf (accessed on 21 April 2021); MinVivienda (2015[10]), Decreto 1077 de 2015Por medio del cual se expide el Decreto Único Reglamentario del Sector Vivienda, Ciudad y Territorio, https://minvivienda.gov.co/sites/default/files/normativa/1077%20-%202015.pdf (accessed on 15 October 2021).

There have been two generations of POTs (1999-2001, 2012 onwards). In 2008, almost all municipalities had a first-generation POT but by 2012, most of those POTs had reached their validity period and were susceptible to be updated. In 2021, according to the MVCT, 80% of the POTs were outdated or in process of being updated. Indeed, Figure 3.2 shows that almost half of municipalities that participated in the OECD Survey on Urban Development in Colombia reported having a POT but not updating it, 34% were currently elaborating or updating their POT and only 14% had an updated POT.

Figure 3.2. State of land use plans across Colombian municipalities, n=84

Similarly, cadastral information for territorial planning is outdated. According to the MVCT only 7% of municipalities had updated information in 2020. As part of the Commitment for the Future of Colombia (Compromiso por el Futuro de Colombia), a recovery programme from the COVID-19 pandemic, the national government has set the goal of updating 60% of cadastral information by 2022 and 100% by 2025 through a “multipurpose cadastre”. The objective is to strengthen territorial planning, support decision-making in the regions and facilitate property formalisation processes.1

The POT formulation process is costly and prone to political influence

Formulating or updating a POT following the requirements established by law is a long, costly process for most municipalities as not all have the resources and capacity to update their POT. Indeed, according to Figure 3.3, the lack of financial resources is by far the major challenge for municipalities to elaborate or update their POT. The elaboration of a POT requires access to data, background studies, expert advice and administration costs that sometimes tend to exceed municipalities’ budget for the four-year term. One of the main obstacles faced by municipalities in the updating of POTs is associated with environmental risk management, required by current legislation, which is technically very detailed and therefore very costly.

Figure 3.3. Factors that represent a challenge for the elaboration of land use plans in Colombia, n=51

Moreover, the POT formulation process takes a long time and is prone to be framed by political interest rather than by actual local needs, although this is not always the case in every municipality. A municipal government takes office for four years and cannot be re-elected for a consecutive term. Within this short time frame, the elaboration of a POT absorbs over two years in general. Thus, municipal administrations have few incentives to work on the elaboration of a planning instrument that they will not have the opportunity to use themselves. Moreover, the POTs have to be approved by the municipal council at the recommendation of the mayor. In many municipalities, however, members of the council have no experience or professional background in planning. To be a member of the municipal council and the territorial planning council does not necessarily require a specific professional background in planning and therefore members of those councils do not have the basis to comment or approve the plans. In addition, some bottlenecks may emerge during the phase of inter-institutional concertation and consultation. Before being presented for approval, POTs must be submitted for consultation with citizens and with the environmental authority of the region. The latter must review and approve the environmental aspects included in the POT. When this approval is not obtained, the issue is then taken to the Ministry of Environment and Sustainable Development (MADS) which may delay the process even further. Since the environmental authorities are autonomous, in many cases, there is no consensus on the approval criteria, even though the legislation applies to all of them and is sometimes interpreted differently. In many cases, the environmental authorities demand additional requirements that are not currently in the legislation. This is often the reason why municipalities need to address MADS.

Some municipal governments face difficulties in publicising their planning instruments and decisions, even though according to Law 388, municipal authorities must put in place mechanisms of community participation in land use planning (Gobierno de Colombia, 1997[9]). Not all municipalities have published their POT on their official website. Thus, most of the time, residents are not familiar with the POT of their municipality, unless there is a specific issue that affects them or their property. If residents are not familiar with the POT of their municipality, it means that the mechanisms for fostering citizen participation in land use planning are not adequate or widely used. The lack of easily accessible information on the POT also limits the possibility to implement any monitoring mechanism.

POTs include a large number of topics that makes them complex to elaborate or update

The large number of topics that must be included in the POTs is another factor that makes their elaboration or updating more complex (Figure 3.3). POTs are supposed to cover a long list of issues, such as socio-demographic analysis, physical components such as infrastructure localisation, environmental protection guidance, risk management analysis, provisions for the location of social housing, and others. The exercise of preparing or updating a POT, therefore, requires a high level of technical expertise that municipal governments do not always have, in particular those with low levels of human and financial resources. Certainly, POTs for larger municipalities have to be more comprehensive than those of smaller municipalities, which have to elaborate PBOTs or land use schemes. But even in these cases, the elaboration of POTs represents a burden on municipal capacities. The elaboration of POTs is a long-term process that the four-year municipal term is too short to cover. The completion of the process often has to be concluded by another administration, which delays the process. The inclusion of the various issues required in the POT also calls for co-ordination among different sectors of the municipal administration, which is not always easy due to the silo approach to government work in Colombia (OECD, 2013[11]). Moreover, according to the MVCT, there is a lack of information for the elaboration of risk management studies required for POTs, which are highly technical.2 For example, hydrometeorological information is lacking and basic mapping may take years to develop depending on the methodologies and technology used.

POTs usually include specific programmes related to mobility, housing and public services. On mobility, the POTs of municipalities such as Armenia, Barranquilla, Capital District of Bogotá (hereafter Bogotá, D.C.), Cali, Medellín, Valledupar and Villavicencio include projects on transport infrastructure, maintenance, paving or widening roads, and the installation of public transport systems (MinVivienda, 2017[12]). On housing, POTs such as those of Manizales and Piedecuesta, include projects for new social housing, reallocation and improvement. In some cases, POTs consider the reallocation of dwellings in high risks areas but they do not specify the new location. Regarding public services, POTs include projects for the expansion and improvement of water and sewage networks, wastewater treatment plants and solid waste disposal. The municipalities of Armenia, Espinal, La Macarena, Pereira, Valparaíso and Villavicencio have projects in all those areas. It is worth pointing out that although the majority of POTs include the expansion of the urban perimeter and the development of rural areas, they do not include specific projects for the expansion of public service provision, which prevent planning for needed infrastructure investments such as water and sanitation provision (MinVivienda, 2017[12]).

The POTs alone are expected to meet spatial and urban development objectives. While the wide diversity of issues included in the POTs suggests that authorities see them as the only instrument that affects land use, this is not necessarily the case. The experience of OECD countries suggests that a number of policy instruments have an impact on how land is used, such as land use regulations as well as environmental and building code regulations (OECD, 2017[13]). Those instruments restrict how land can be used but do not impact how individuals and businesses would like to use land. Land use and development are generally influenced by the incentives that businesses and individuals face and how private developers respond to them. These are known as “market forces”, which are beyond the influence of planning. The incentives and motivations of businesses and individuals concerning land use are influenced by a wide array of government policies. Policies such as tax policies, fiscal systems and inter-governmental transfers, agricultural policies and energy policies could be used to influence the demand for development more effectively. Colombian authorities may need to consider that the planning system alone will not meet the spatial objectives stated in the POTs. There is no evidence that Colombian governments largely use tax policies as incentives to steer land use. Law 388 does not include any provision on how land use can be managed with policies outside the domain of spatial and land use nor even measures to ensure that they do not run against land use related objectives.

POTs do not always reflect the specific needs of the residents in the content of the plan. In 2017, the MVCT found that POTs are designed and approved without taking into account the conditions of extreme poverty and vulnerability of some groups (i.e. Indigenous population) and the lack of some basic public services such as water and sanitation (MinVivienda, 2017[12]). In the municipality of Sipí in the Department of Chocó for example, 93% of the population is afro-Colombian and 7% Indigenous, and 99% of the total population lives in extreme poverty without access to basic public services. The municipal POT has not been able to support local development as it was designed without ensuring the necessary resources to build infrastructure. In the municipality of Murindó in the department of Antioquía, 40% of the population is Indigenous, 50% with African origins and 10% are mestizo3 and displaced, which means that 100% of the population is vulnerable. In 2013, the municipal POT declared the urban core as an area of high risk due to flooding. Therefore, the national and departmental governments were not able to invest public money in infrastructure improvement due to the legal and administrative problems linked to its location in a risk zone (MinVivienda, 2017[12]).

In 2019, the National Council for Economic and Social Policy (Consejo Nacional de Política Económica y Social, CONPES) adopted the National Programme for the Formulation and Updating of the Land Use Plans, known as POT Modernos (Modern POTs). Through this programme, the national government, together with national and international experts and the private sector, intended to provide technical and financial assistance to municipalities to update their POT following high-quality technical standards. The POT Modernos programme had an initial budget of COP 66 billion (USD 17 million approximately) for 2016-18. The programme co-financed a dedicated unit within each selected municipality to update the POT, and provided capacity building for its implementation. Despite these efforts, by 2021, 80% of the POTs remained outdated or were still in the process of being updated.4 Some second-generation POTs will soon reach their validity period and will need to be updated, whereas other municipalities will remain with a first-generation POT. This may create a heterogeneous landscape in the evolution and level of sophistication of planning instruments across Colombia. This situation highlights that it is not necessarily the lack of financial resources and technical support that prevent the elaboration or updating of POTs but the governance arrangements for the planning of land use. Land is governed both by formal and informal actors. In the case of Colombia, on the formal side, land is governed by national legislation that determines the rights associated with it (i.e. Law 388 of 1997 on Land Management and Decree 1077 of 2015 on housing, cities and territory) but municipal governments make the decisions about detailed land uses, the political context, the capacity of the municipal administration, the relationships between government and a wide range of land use stakeholders (residents, businesses, non-governmental groups, etc.). Depending on the municipality, there may also be informal partnerships between the many actors involved in the governance of land use, which may challenge or facilitate the elaboration of POTs. Elaborating a POT is a balancing act between private and public interests.

Moreover, municipalities within metropolitan areas are expected to adapt their POTs to the guidelines of the metropolitan development plans, which are supposed to define metropolitan development strategies and investment priorities such as infrastructure (i.e. transport, communication) and service delivery (Gobierno de Colombia, 2013[14]). An additional difficulty is that municipalities lack access to up-to-date and accurate data necessary to elaborate a POT and they may not always have the capacity to process data to generate information and knowledge.

Lack of sufficient financial resources hinders the implementation of POTs

POTs are not always implemented in full. This is a critical issue in urban development as municipalities invested time and resources in the elaboration of an instrument that is not used, in some cases for political reasons. The lack of implementation is largely due, according to Figure 3.4, to the lack of financial resources and/or the underestimation of the costs of the urban development strategy. According to the MVCT, the lack of implementation of POTs, which is evident in many municipalities of the country, is due to the lack of harmonisation with the development plans, the low allocation of resources to municipalities of Categories 4, 5 and 6,5 and the lack of monitoring and evaluation of objectives, programmes and projects. There are no measures or mechanisms to monitor the level of achievement of the goals set in the POTs. The OECD had already observed that a challenge for regional development in Colombia was related to underestimating total operating costs over time due to pursuing a sector-specific silo approach (OECD, 2013[11]). As with the PDTs, the lack of financial resources suggests a disconnection between the POTs and the budget. A study conducted by the MVCT in 2017 found that POTs of the first and second generations have low regulation of management and financing instruments such as certificates of development and construction or land banks, which could impact their implementation (MinVivienda, 2017[12]).

Another factor that hinders the implementation of POTs is the changes in leadership every four years (Figure 3.4). Given the electoral cycle, municipal governments may prefer to focus on short-term issues or projects that offer more visibility and are faster to achieve regardless of what is included in the POT. PDTs must include dispositions contemplated in the POTs but, in some cases, POTs are changed to meet the shorter-term goals of the PDT. For municipal leaders, the main planning document is the PDT which instead of following the POT, tend to modify sections of the POT to make them in line with the PDT. One reason is that political candidates, in some cases, are not aware of the POT and its content and give priority to their short-term projects than to the longer-term POT objectives.

Many POTs and PDTs lack technical rigour and even when they are technically sound, they tend to be of limited use as they lack serious participatory analysis (OECD, 2016[6]). This could be exacerbated by the low capacity of municipal administrations to use those instruments. Some POTs include execution programmes or are linked to support technical documents; but in most cases, those execution programmes are too general and lack an implementation timeline. In addition, POTs tend to be rigid instruments and municipalities have difficulties adapting them to emerging challenges or unexpected events. Moreover, land use measures included in the POT can take a long time before they have any impact, which may lead governments to look for alternative practical solutions.

Figure 3.4. Factors that have an impact on the implementation of land use plans in Colombia, n=51

Colombia has a wide range of fiscal instruments that governments could use to steer land use but are not using to their full potential. Incentives for brownfield redevelopment, transfers of development rights and land value capture instruments are examples of instruments that exist but remain underused. These instruments could offer an untapped source of revenues for infrastructure investments. The municipality of Yopal is an example where the population is growing but municipal resources remain the same. Between 1973 and 2013, Yopal’s population increased from 10 000 inhabitants to 140 000, largely due to the armed conflict in the country. It shifted from an agrarian economy to one of services and mining. Its POT approved the doubling of urban land from 1 900 hectares to 3 800 hectares, but without considering the expansion of public services and without the financial instruments (i.e. cadastre update, land value capture) to increase municipal resources for public service provision (MinVivienda, 2017[12]). Figure 3.5 shows how a sample of municipalities finances the different projects included in their POT. It reveals that critical issues for urban development such as inter- and within city connectivity, environmental protection, improving the built environment, mobility infrastructure and creating green spaces for citizens need to be financed through a mix of own and external resources as municipal own resources are not sufficient.

Figure 3.5. How Colombian municipalities finance projects included in the land use plan, n=49

Land use planning must be more flexible and simplified

Land use planning is a critical tool to build accessible cities and contribute to positive environmental outcomes. It could also help co-ordinate public and private investment and ensure efficient patterns of development. In 2014, the OECD had noted that the Colombian land use planning system needed to be simplified, re-sequenced and better co-ordinated (OECD/ECLAC, 2014[15]). This recommendation is still valid today. To reform the land use planning system and the POTs, Colombia may wish to consider the following recommendations:

Adopt more flexible approaches to land use planning and management. Municipal governments need to react to changing conditions such as immigration, climate change and the inequalities highlighted by the COVID-19 pandemic. Flexibility does not mean a hierarchy of laws and regulations; it means fewer rules about how land is used, judging the different projects on their own merit frame by community needs, and avoiding restrictive and single-use zoning regulations. One option would be to establish specific zones in a community for experimentation and temporary uses. This would imply fewer rules about how land is used. With greater flexibility, municipalities would be able to judge every investment or development project on its own merit under overarching guidelines and community needs and aspirations, as opposed to systems that promote certainty under rules and regulations. The experience of OECD countries such as the UK suggests that flexibility breeds innovation and make the planning system more responsive to emerging challenges (OECD, 2017[13]). Two caveats should, however, be taken into consideration. First, some areas would still need more stringent rules, for example in historical districts and environmentally sensitive areas. Second, greater flexibility should also not circumvent regular planning and appeal processes. For example, Israel developed the language of “textures” in national plans to enhance flexibility by which it identified and distinguished between development-oriented and preservation-oriented areas across five texture typologies: urban texture, rural texture, mixed preserved texture, national preserved texture and coastal texture; this facilitated the definition of restrictions while providing a degree of flexibility as well (OECD, 2017[16]). Another option for Colombia to make the land use planning system more flexible is to avoid single-use zoning. The idea is to focus primarily on preventing the most important externalities such as inefficiency and inequities, and do not regulate beyond what is required for this purpose, for example not prohibiting mixed-use developments as long as they do not create nuisances (OECD, 2017[13]). An example of this is the national zoning system of Japan which focuses on the prevention of negative externalities; as a result, none of the zones in the system is strictly single-use (Box 3.2). Zones are not exclusive and less restrictive than in other OECD countries.

Box 3.2. Japan’s national zoning system

In Japan, the national government defines the content of zoning regulation for Urbanisation Promotion Areas and a set of rules that prefectures and municipalities have to follow when determining the location of zones through local plans. The Japanese legislation distinguishes between Urbanisation Promotion Areas where development is possible and Urbanisation Control Areas where development is generally not permitted.

Urbanisation Promotion Areas are divided into 12 standardised zones. According to Japanese regulations, the zones range from low-rise residential zones to exclusively industrial zones that allow successively denser development and greater nuisance levels. Basically, each zone specifies the maximum level of nuisances allowed in an area. Any development that causes fewer nuisances than the maximum allowed level may be constructed in the zone. For example, a “commercial” zone allows for virtually all types of residential uses too. Even the most strictly regulated residential zone permits basic non-residential uses (i.e. primary schools, places of worship). As a result, the zoning system permits mixed-use in every zone.

Source: OECD (2017[13]), The Governance of Land Use in OECD Countries: Policy Analysis and Recommendations, https://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264268609-en.

Streamline the number of issues to be included in the POTs. POTs in Colombia have high ambitions to address a large number of economic, environmental and social issues and to propose both medium- and long-term goals. Even municipalities with resources and technical capacity may struggle to comply with such a long list of requirements. POTs should not be used as instruments to define sectoral policies as this makes them too complex and adds no value. They should be regarded as a means to territorialise sectoral policies. Colombian authorities may therefore wish to revise the requirements set by law and streamline the number of issues a POT should include, or determine a minimum requirement that every POT should fulfil depending on the municipal socio-economic and urban context, not only by population size. Making POTs more flexible and easy to adapt could enhance their implementation. For example, the Paris Land Use Plan provides an example of a comprehensive highly technical document that depicts effectively how land should be used, distinguishing only between general provisions, the general urban zone, zones of major urban service, green urban zones and a natural and forest zone (Mairie de Paris, 2016[17]). At the same time, Colombia should ensure that certain requirements of POTs are not excessively easy to change to prevent the plans from becoming a political instrument. However, in order not to modify structural issues in POTs, it would be necessary to adopt effective monitoring mechanisms to ensure that the vision and expected occupation model is achieved in the stipulated times. Municipalities may wish to create municipal oversight bodies (veedurías) that report to the national instances and guarantee the fulfilment of the POTs’ objectives. However, this may be costly and complicated for smaller municipalities and, in the first instance, this could only be done by larger municipalities.
POTs should place more emphasis on more sustainable use of rural land and strengthening urban-rural linkages. According to Law 388, all POTs should have a rural component but not all POTs include provisions for the sustainable use of rural land and the planning of infrastructure for the provision of basic services. First-generation POTs, in most cases, did emphasise the residential use of rural land but without considering amenities for service delivery (MinVivienda, 2017[12]). Thus, new generation POTs must include provisions to reassess the vocation of rural land, protect their environmental and agricultural value, and include norms for the development of public space and rural amenities.
Invest in capacity building in municipal administrations on land use and spatial planning. Improving the technical planning skills of municipal officials is paramount. Many national institutions offer technical assistance on land use issues; however, it is necessary to promote the co‑ordination and articulation among them to achieve an effective and less exhausting accompaniment. For example, the Department of National Planning (Departamento Nacional de Planeación, DNP) provided support to candidates for local elections in 2015 and to municipalities in 2016 to help them better understand the strategic nature of both the POTs and their formulation process. The DNP developed a planning kit called KiTerritorial to guide municipalities on the numerous programmes and plans such as the PDT and the POT, the Contratos Plan (contract plans) and others. While this support has been key to increasing capacity, more still needs to be done. With the assistance of departments ‘(departamentos) and the national government, municipalities could reach agreements with universities and other research institutions to train their staff and update their planning skills and competencies. Alternatively, when municipalities hire private consultants to formulate their PDT or their POT for example, they could make sure that the contract includes some form of knowledge exchange for municipal officials to get some training so that the outsourcing exercise also increases in-house capacity.
Territorial development plans (PDTs) should be linked to land use plans (POTs). Although there is a legal requirement to link PDTs to the POTs, municipal authorities do not always comply. Colombian authorities may wish to reinforce the mechanisms to ensure that POTs and PDTs are linked. The departmental authorities could play a role here by reviewing the coherence between the plans. This is not to suggest what should be included, as this would go against municipal autonomy, but to stress the need to co-ordinate municipal PDTs and POTs. This is of critical importance as POTs should provide the basis for the projects included in the investment plans of the PDTs. This is a way of linking POTs, PDTs and the budget lines that are necessary for their execution. Moreover, POTs and PDTs are only useful if they are implemented and enforced consistently, ensuring that land use considerations are fully integrated into the analysis of the PDTs. The preparation of a PDT should not be done arbitrarily under the guise of municipal autonomy, as this would create confusion, lack of credibility and lead to planning inefficiency. Following the process provided in the legislation under the departmental government, supervision may be necessary to ensure that POTs and PDTs are always current and coherent, and decisions are consistent.
Support municipalities with different incentives for the development of POTs. To incentivise and support the formulation, adoption and implementation of the POTs, the national government could develop incentives like financing and technical support in processes of regional articulation. It could also facilitate private sector participation in urban development projects in partnership with the national government.

POTs should be supported by fiscal incentives to steer land use

Increasing flexibility in land use planning implies that municipal planners exert less direct control over land use. To avoid the risk of uncontrolled development that could lead to more sprawl and inefficient transport systems, Colombian policy makers would need to adopt the right incentives that could lead to desirable patterns of development. These incentives are generally outside the land use planning domain. For example, fiscal policies could be used more widely to encourage private actors to pursue more compact developments.

Taxes can steer land use since they have varying effects on the costs and benefits of land use in different locations. High fuel taxes, for example, may provide incentives for more compact and transport-oriented patterns of development by making it more costly to use land in locations that need long commutes. Similarly, Colombia could make greater use of transport taxes to encourage compact city developments. Taxing car use to reflect its true costs (including carbon emissions, congestion and noise) may help reduce dispersed settlement patterns. Parking charges, which should be under the control of municipal governments rather than departmental, could also discourage driving and the use of valuable land for parking. Property taxes could be further used in Colombia to steer land use towards desirable outcomes by viewing them in the context of other policy instruments to influence land use such as land use planning and transport policy as property tax alone has typically a low impact on land use (OECD, 2017[13]). At the same time, Colombian policy makers should ensure property taxes are clearly structured to avoid treating politically well-connected developers and landowners preferentially. Pure land value taxes could also be considered, as they do not tax sparsely built-up land less than densely built-up land making it unprofitable to use expensive land at low densities and encourage densification, especially in central areas (OECD, 2017[13]).

POTs should pursue compact development and be forward-looking

POTs constitute an ideal tool for Colombian authorities to foster orderly urban growth. Urban sprawl and peri-urbanisation are common features in Colombian urban areas, be they large, medium or small. Peri‑urbanisation is imposing significant costs on municipal authorities and the private sector. As Chapter 1 shows, the current patterns of development mean high travel costs (in time and money) for residents, especially to people living far away from jobs and services. At the same time, they make infrastructure and service provision more costly, creating pressure on the already low municipal fiscal resources. Peri‑urbanisation is not necessarily bad when it occurs in a planned fashion and provides willing residents with the opportunity to live in semi-rural environments. However, considering current urban conditions and past planning decisions, it is important to ensure that POTs do not perpetuate or exacerbate existing problems. Thus, the POTs need to be designed in a way that balances the interests of individuals and those of the community. Residents who choose to live in semi-rural areas should bear the costs associated with these locational choices. When residents do not have that choice, they have to live in peri-urban formal or informal areas for lack of other options. In this case, they tend to be far from central areas where jobs, education and healthcare services are provided; if they live in informal settlements, residents are exposed and vulnerable to environmental hazards and lack of basic services, pollution, overcrowding and poor water and solid waste management.

Pursuing a more compact urban development is key to achieving Colombia’s economic and environmental objectives. This has been an explicit spatial goal for cities such as Amsterdam, Netherlands, and Clermont-Ferrand, France (OECD, 2017[13]). One of the key lessons from OECD countries and cities to build compact cities, as Colombia is aiming for, is that a strategy to combat peri-urbanisation is needed. Peri‑urbanisation is not inherently bad as many individuals may prefer to live in a semi-rural environment but the challenge for local authorities is how to balance the interests of individuals against those of the community as a whole. Typically, residents who choose to live in these locales should bear the full cost associated with their choices, although the broader public will necessarily have to bear some costs. Peri‑urbanisation can impose costs such as costly infrastructure and service provision affecting a municipality’s fiscal sustainability. The strategy to tackle peri-urbanisation should be built in co‑ordination among the different local authorities within a functional area to protect natural spaces and promote more compact development. The planning system, governance framework, and broader incentives and disincentives should be co‑ordinated across municipalities to generate land-based outcomes. The case of the metropolitan area of Nantes Saint-Nazaire, France, could be an interesting example for Colombia on how to protect environmental amenities while encouraging densification. It shows that integrated land use planning that promotes densification and rests upon a series of joint agreements among local communes led by the two urban cores of Nantes and Saint-Nazaire are essential to protect local land and water resources (see Chapter 5).

The national and/or departmental governments could assist municipalities that request it by developing a methodology for identifying land use designations aligned with general plan goals. It may involve, for example, guidance on how to designate residential and commercial areas along existing transit routes to encourage compact development and promote accessibility. Adopting a flexible and context-sensitive urban design strategy can also help shape more walkable and cyclable environments, contributing to better health outcomes.

It is critical that POTs provide an opportunity to determine the future of Colombian cities. By ensuring equitable and accessible distribution of different densities, land uses and land use intensity, and by aligning with other sectoral policies and the PDT, POTs can help address long-term challenges such as climate change and inequality, strengthen local economies, reduce infrastructure costs, promote healthy lifestyles, increase transport choices, improve air quality and promote housing quality and resilience. For this purpose, the POTs should designate the general distribution, location and allowable intensity of use for housing, commercial and industrial activities, as well as services (i.e. schools, hospitals). Depending on the population size, economic power, and municipal administrative and planning capacity, POTs should:

Examine population data (departmental, and local population and growth forecast) and identify demographic trends.
Include an inventory of existing residential, commercial and industrial land use.
Identify key municipal assets such as historic centres, natural reserves, etc. that should be preserved.
Identify elements that may affect future growth such as infrastructure gaps and environmental concerns emanated from climate change.
Differentiate clearly between functional and physical land uses (i.e. neighbourhoods, districts, employment centres, etc.).
Analyse existing urban form.
Include intensity standards (i.e. minimum and maximum number of dwellings per km², floor area ratio) ensuring that they include provisions for flexibility such as density bonuses, cluster zoning and planned unit development.
Analyse properties subject to land use redevelopment such as vacant, underdeveloped, transit-oriented, etc.
Determine project needs for specific land use considerations based on estimates of the future population.
Determine the connection between housing, transport and labour markets.
Determine actions towards climate change mitigation.

It is important that POTs are kept simple and not unnecessarily complex, as the capacity for conducting planning and implementing plans at the local levels varies a lot depending on municipal capacity. POTs of smaller municipalities should be simple and at least set the measures for meeting the most basic needs of the municipality. POTs and PDTs should be rooted in what people perceive as their needs.

The metropolitan dimension in land use planning should be reinforced

Colombia has been striving to adopt a metropolitan dimension in urban and land use planning. The current NUP, the System of Cities (CONPES 3819), has strengthened the concept of functional urban areas (FUAs) by distinguishing between uninodal and functional cities. Although there are only six formalised metropolitan areas in Colombia regulated by Law 1265 of 2013 (Gobierno de Colombia, 2013[18]), the task force that elaborated the NUP identified 18 agglomerations whose functional area expands more than one municipality (DNP, 2014[4]) (see Chapters 1 and 5). This suggests that land use decisions in one municipality, large or small, urban or rural, has an impact on other municipalities and since there is a growing functional relation among them then it is necessary to co‑ordinate POTs at the metropolitan level. The System of Cities and the National Development Plan 2014-2018 included specific actions for the creation of metropolitan transport authorities that would require land use planning at the metropolitan level but there has been no progress. Some metropolitan areas like the Valle de Aburrá already have a metropolitan POT that includes measures for water management, public transport services, infrastructure, social housing and management of rural and suburban land.6 This practice should be continued in other metropolitan areas and strengthened. OECD research has revealed that countries that have metropolitan POTs use on average 32% less developed land per capita than countries with a fragmented approach (OECD, 2017[13]).

As the purview of the POTs expands to address broader objectives such as economic development, environmental sustainability and social equity, they require a broader metropolitan scale. If Colombian metropolitan areas or agglomerations develop a more fragmented approach to land use, there is a risk of greater urban sprawl. It is important that POTs keep pace with changing functional territorial boundaries, which is particularly relevant given Colombia’s polycentric urban structure. Metropolitan planning can be achieved through formal and informal institutions. OECD studies suggest that metropolitan authorities that co-ordinate land use policies have been effective in reducing the growth of developed land per capita (Ahrend, Gamper and Schumann, 2014[19]). The effectiveness of formal or informal institutions in Colombia will depend to a large extent on the types of issues every territory faces, the relationships among stakeholders, the resources at their disposal and the capacity of the municipalities to implement a common agenda. The work of the Rural Agricultural Planning Unit (UPRA) regarding the formulation of guidelines for agricultural planning in metropolitan areas could underpin efforts to build metropolitan POTs in their rural component (i.e. more than 60% of the agricultural frontier is in metropolitan areas). The guidelines could be used as another instrument to prevent peri-urbanisation recognising the economic and cultural value of rural land in functional areas.7 In this respect, France’s Territorial Coherence Plans provide a useful example of how to incentivise and plan at the supra-municipal level and govern land use issues across urban, peri-urban and rural territories. In the process, both large and small communes are brought together to elaborate joint solutions on such issues as housing, urban planning and transportation (Box 3.3). Since the introduction of Territorial Coherence Plans in 2000, 354 plans have been approved and cover 95% of the national population. Particularly relevant for Colombia, the French experience suggests that a metropolitan POT does not need to be highly detailed but rather present fundamental guidelines. Municipal POTs should be aligned with such guidelines and provide the details. Participation in a metropolitan POT should be on a voluntary basis, in line with municipal autonomy, but the national government can provide incentives for municipalities in functional areas to develop such an instrument.

Box 3.3. France’s plans for territorial coherence to address peri-urbanisation

In 2000, the French government created the Territorial Coherence Plan (Schéma de cohérence territoriale, SCoT) as a key mechanism for intercommunal planning, using a sustainable development framework. It covers the “local labour market” or “urban area” (bassin de vie, or aire urbaine) for parts of the country. A SCoT links housing, urban planning and transportation plans and supports cohesive development strategies for the entire area. There is no compulsory requirement for communes or groups of communes to participate in a SCoT but there are incentives to do so. For example, according to national law, natural areas can be developed only if the area is covered by a SCoT. To encourage the adoption of SCoTs, the French government has set up annual calls for proposals starting in 2010 to increase participation in rural territories with limited human and financial resources to draw up SCoTs.

The Territorial Coherence Plan establishes a reference framework for territorial planning over a time frame of 20 years. As such, it does not give granular detail on land use development – that task falls to plans and planning decisions at the scale of the commune, but these must align with the principles or fundamental guidelines. Every municipality covered by the same SCoT commits itself to integrated and joint development, which can help mediate and settle territorial issues for the whole area. SCoTs have become the reference strategic planning documents for urban planning and development in large residential zones or urban areas. They constitute plans that go beyond commune, inter-commune or departmental administrative boundaries.

The SCoT is intended to serve as a reference framework for the various sectoral policies such as spatial organisation and urban planning, housing, mobility, commercial development, environment, energy and climate. It must respect the principles of sustainable development: i) principle of balance between urban renewal, controlled urban development, the development of rural space and the preservation of natural spaces and landscapes; ii) principle of diversity of urban functions and social diversity; and iii) principle of respect for the environment, such as ecological corridors and the fight against urban sprawl.

Source: Ministère de la transition écologique de France (2021[20]), “Le SCoT : un projet stratégique partagé pour l’aménagement d’un territoire”, https://www.ecologie.gouv.fr/scot-projet-strategique-partage-lamenagement-dun-territoire.

Land use planning should prioritise urban regeneration and environmental preservation

Building compact cities requires paying greater attention to urban regeneration. Focusing urban development on the existing city does not necessarily imply inhibiting urban expansion but more efficient use of land. It allows for linking land use, environmental preservation and human settlements (formal and informal). However, rural and conservation land are currently threatened by the process of informal land occupation. Urban perimeters have grown three or four times more than planned and mostly in an informal manner (see Chapter 1). According to the MVCT, the average annual growth of the urban footprint has been 2% and 25% of the residential built-up area is informal. This not only endangers conservation areas but also food production. Moreover, first-generation POTs tend to place more emphasis on construction (i.e. infrastructure and housing) and economic growth without fully considering that urban development is taking place in a context of climate change and environmental degradation.

Although some POTs include provisions for improving the existing city and using urban land more effectively through urban regeneration projects, these projects have not been implemented due to complex and costly land management processes. A critical issue is land speculation as some landowners acquire urban land expecting an increase in value over time without investing in it. There is a lack of an adequate land management policy. Urbanised land in many cases remains empty, which means a waste of public investment in urban services and risk to public health and safety. Some low-income households move to the suburbs, expanding the city and requiring new investments in public transport, public facilities and amenities. The city also expands because high-income households move to suburbs looking for more space and safety. Therefore, the cost of housing in central urban areas increases because the supply of land and dwellings is reduced.

The national government could consider issuing a land policy framework that addresses strict regulation and zoning that limits the supply of serviced land. If land supply is inelastic, any effort to increase the purchasing power of low-income households will only result in higher land prices offsetting the impact of any housing subsidy (Freire, 2013[21]). Ensuring that land markets and solutions are available to all levels of income is a way to prevent the creation of more informal settlements (González Alcocer et al., 2010[22]). Policies, rules and/or guidance to assist municipalities in the development of neighbourhood improvement programmes and the legalisation of informal settlements through financing instruments must be included. In this respect, the experience of Medellín could be a source of inspiration to other Colombian cities, as the local authority is no longer focused on urban expansion but urban regeneration. Medellín’s experience offers three main lessons. First, dense cities should change their focus to urban regeneration to ensure high levels of living standards; second, to have a successful urban regeneration programme, it is essential to implement land use management and financing instruments; and third, there must be a package of strategies and plans that involve housing owners and economic activities in renovation processes.

The experience of OECD countries shows that to ensure sustainable urban development, land use and urban regeneration must be closely linked. In the majority of OECD countries, land use planning and urban regeneration include social, economic and environmental issues that are essential elements for land use allocation in urban regeneration processes. This system requires strong co-ordination and sound governance arrangements to be dynamic. For example, the experience of Korea suggests that to guide urban regeneration in an integrated manner with land use, it is necessary to have a dedicated national legislative framework that allocates clear responsibilities to each tier of government and ensures coherence between sustainable urban development and urban regeneration regulations (Box 3.4). This could be a challenge for Colombia due to weak co-operative relationships between municipalities. Following the Korean experience, Colombia could set up a special committee for urban regeneration and regional development to align and co-ordinate activities across national and subnational governments. Colombia could avoid making urban regeneration more complex with too many pieces of legislation, bodies and plans as it would require considerable resources spent on co-ordination avoiding duplication rather than on policy design and implementation. Like Korea, Colombia could ensure that housing renewal plays a central role in urban regeneration programmes, ensuring that programmes are economically viable and socially and politically acceptable.

There is also a perception of misalignment between POTs and environmental policy. This is surprising since in principle, the regional environmental authority or, in some cases, the Ministry of Environment and Sustainable Development (MADS), should assess and approve the environmental dimension of draft POTs. POTs may also impose restrictions on land use for environmental reasons. When land use is severely restricted, the municipality must compensate the landowner. The lack of financial means to compensate landowners may explain why the environmental provisions of POTs are not always fully enforced. Moreover, the elaboration of a POT requires the inclusion of environmental issues such as the definition of conservation land and the protection of natural resources. Enforcement of the environmental provisions of POTs is based on granting construction licenses for housing or infrastructure, but there are no provisions or instruments to ensure that rural land use is compatible with the POTs. This may be due to an incomplete integration of environmental criteria into land use planning. In 2014, the OECD already recommended Colombia to strengthen the means of enforcing environment-related land use in POTs, particularly in rural areas and coastal zones (OECD/ECLAC, 2014[15]).

The elaboration of second-generation POTs should consider environmental protection and the impact of climate variability and climate change as key elements to promote socio-economic development. POTs must tackle the environmental and climate change challenges from a metropolitan perspective while enhancing urban-rural linkages. To this end, their elaboration could be based on the concepts of “environmental zoning”8 and the “main ecological structure”9 as the basis for the prevention and mitigation of environmental challenges and their impact on people’s well-being (Villegas Rodríguez et al., 2016[23]).

Box 3.4. Land use planning and urban regeneration – The Korean experience

Korea has a long experience of urban regeneration since the national government introduced its first comprehensive urban renewal programmes in the 1960s. Since then, Korean authorities have been linking land use, spatial planning and regeneration to pursue long-term development and economic growth objectives.

The Korean national government has issued a specific legislative framework for urban regeneration. In 2013, the government approved the Special Act on the Promotion of and Support for Urban Regeneration to promote a more integrated approach to urban regeneration and tackle the complex challenges of social inclusion, job creation and economic revitalisation. The Special Act provides national guidance, strategic planning and implementation strategies focused on the economy and community and provides a vision to make cities more competitive and sustainable while promoting well-being. The act states that the Urban Regeneration Strategic Plans should be built in accordance with the Comprehensive National Land Plan and the Urban Master Plan. In 2017, the new government placed specific emphasis on urban regeneration by strengthening the act through a five-year Urban New Deal with 500 projects supported by an investment of KRW 50 trillion.

To implement the Special Act, the national government promotes building partnerships between national and local governments. This has also led the government to establish the Basic Policy for National Urban Regeneration to push forward urban regeneration in a more efficient, planned and comprehensive manner. However, regional governments are responsible for creating their own Urban Regeneration Strategic Plans while local governments are responsible for the Urban Regeneration Master Plans. The strategic plans provide guidance on socio-economic development, environmental protection and well-being and spatial and non-spatial factors related to urban regeneration. The master plans are set once the urban regeneration areas have been designated. Urban Regeneration Master Plans define land use and zoning while Urban Regeneration Strategic Plans designate urban regeneration areas. Once local governments designate the areas to be regenerated, a process of evaluation, project implementation and annual performance take place. Critically, a comprehensive evaluation of outcomes at the end of the project and evaluation of the roles of the different stakeholders takes place.

To ensure some level of success, the Korean system for urban regeneration requires strong co‑ordination across levels of government and between plans that are formulated at different spatial scales. Thus, the national government set up the Presidential Committee for Regional Development and the Special Committee for Urban Regeneration to strengthen co-ordination across levels of government.

Housing renewal is a critical element of urban regeneration in most Korean cities. In Busan, for example, the Gamcheon Culture Village and Sanbokdoro Renaissance Project exemplify a holistic approach to urban regeneration aligning housing renewal with economic and social development. Local authorities implemented the Urban Regeneration New Deal that includes the Public Housing and Facilities Model.

Source: OECD (2019[24]), The Governance of Land Use in Korea: Urban Regeneration, https://doi.org/10.1787/fae634b4-en.

Improving urban accessibility

Ensuring access to jobs, services, goods, information and people is a core component for economic development and well-being in cities. As in other Latin American countries, over the last decades in Colombia, the motorisation of transport and decrease in transport costs relative to incomes allowed cities to de-densify and expand horizontally, resulting in what could be termed as “access to opportunities by movement” boosted by an increase in privately-owned cars. Colombia has been working to improve mobility intra- and inter-urban mobility over the last two decades to improve competitiveness and productivity. However, private vehicles (motorcycles and cars) remain the main transport mode in Colombian cities despite investment in improving public transport systems. According to the results of the OECD Survey on Urban Policy in Colombia, the share of transport modes across municipalities is: motorcycle 31%, private cars 25%, buses 16%, bicycle 13%, walking 12%, and metro and cable cars 2%. Since 1996, Colombia has issued several pieces of legislation aimed at improving mobility in cities through land use planning, mobility planning, inter-modality in freight transport and integral management of urban and regional mobility (Box 3.5). The national government has tried to harness agglomeration economies to improve competitiveness, gross domestic product (GDP) per capita and productivity. This requires improving mobility to reduce costs, travel time and increase the safety of the movement of passengers and goods.

Box 3.5. Regulatory framework for urban mobility in Colombia

Some of the main pieces of legislation that have an impact on urban development issues are:

Law 105 of 1993 – Sets the basic dispositions on public transport and the distribution of competencies and resources between the national and subnational governments, and regulates public transport planning.
Law 336 of 1996 – Sets the principles and criteria for the regulation of public transport.
Law 1083 of 2006 – Establishes that municipalities with more than 100 000 inhabitants must adopt a land use plan (POT), a mobility plan and a master plan for intermodal transportation.
Law 1955 of 2019 – Modifies Law 1083 of 2006 to set the regulations for sustainable and safe mobility plans.
Law 1964 of 2019 – Promotes the use of electric vehicles and zero emissions.
CONPES 3167 of 2002 – Establishes the Policy for Improving Urban Public Transport Service.
CONPES 3260 of 2003 – Defines the National Policy for Urban Massive Transport.
CONPES 3527 of 2008 – Establishes the national policy for competitiveness and productivity with specific emphasis on infrastructure for logistics and transport.
CONPES 3819 of 2014 – Establishes the national policy for the consolidation of the System of Cities and formulates actions to strengthen physical and digital connectivity.
CONPES 3982 of 2020 Logistics National Policy – Promotes inter-modality in transport to facilitate trade and reduce costs and logistics time.
CONPES 3991 of 2020 National Policy of Urban and Regional Mobility – Sets the general guidelines for the integral management of urban and regional mobility.

Note: This list is not exhaustive but only presents some selected legislation.

Source: Gobierno de Colombia (1993[25]) (1996[26]); (2006[27]); (2014[5]); (2019[28]); (2019[29]); DNP (2008[30]); (2020[31]); (2020[32]); (2003[33]); (2002[34]). See reference section for full information.

For almost 20 years, the national and local governments have been working to improve public transport through the Policy for Improving Urban Public Transport Service (CONPES 3167) and the National Policy for Urban Massive Transport (CONPES 3260). The latest National Policy of Urban and Regional Mobility (CONPES 3991), adopted in 2020, updates the national transport policy. Despite these efforts, in Colombia, public transport systems are still characterised by low quality in terms of reliability, comfort, safety and environmental friendliness (see Chapter 1). Public transport also suffers from poor planning and low efficiency, which leads to informal and – in many cases – illegal transport means. A critical problem for Colombian cities is to find reliable sources of financing for the operation of the public transport systems. According to Law 310 of 1996, the national government can contribute 40% minimum and 70% maximum of the financial costs of construction of transport infrastructure (Gobierno de Colombia, 1996[35]) but financing the operation of the public transport systems is left to the cities, which lack adequate sources of income. Cities also present specific mobility challenges. For example, the city of Cali has one of the highest rates of deaths caused by road accidents in the country. Between 2017 and 2019, almost 1 000 people lost their lives as a consequence of driving at high speeds.10 In Bogotá, D.C., there are at least 500 car accidents every day11 and, in 2020, almost 400 people died in road accidents.12 Some Colombian cities like Bogotá, D.C. and Medellín have been praised for their initiatives to improve mobility but more needs to be done to make public transport a driver of competitiveness, sustainability and well-being in urban areas.

Colombian cities are struggling to make public transport the axis of mobility and urban land reorganisation. According to the National Policy of Urban and Regional Mobility (CONPES 3991), in addition to institutional weaknesses and poor financing, mobility in Colombian cities faces three critical challenges: congestion, pollution and road accidents. Traffic congestion makes mobility slow, which undermines productivity, competitiveness and health. In a way, traffic congestion is the by-product of economic activity, as people and goods travel throughout the urban centres. However, the challenge is to make this movement more efficient and less disrupting. Congestion on urban roads is fuelled by the growing vehicular fleet (private cars, motorcycles) as more and more commuters opt for alternative means of transport to public transport, inefficient freight transport that contributes to the deterioration of the road infrastructure, informal transport means and the infrastructure deficit for mobility. Other factors of congestion include the lack of planning and urban sprawl, which means that a growing number of suburban residents flow into the central areas to work and study on a daily basis. The limited public revenues and the growing costs of building and maintaining transport infrastructure constrain national and subnational governments’ ability to deliver new transportation facilities.

Urban mobility plans are not widely adopted and face financial difficulties

Law 1083 of 2006 establishes that all cities with more than 100 000 inhabitants must issue a Sustainable and Safe Mobility Plan (Plan de Movilidad Sostenible y Segura, PMSS). However, PMSS are generally not supported by a delivery plan for short-term implementation that includes a timetable and a budget plan. According to the DNP, PMSS are not backed by the necessary financial mechanisms for the implementation of programmes and projects, and they are not linked to the municipality’s general vision for its development (DNP, 2020[32]). This complicates the completion of transport infrastructure projects such as workshops for the Metrolínea system in Bucaramanga, the Mio system in Cali, and the Metroplus in Medellín. In many cases, the financial costs of transport infrastructure are estimated based on conceptual designs but, when detailed studies were conducted, costs turned out to be much higher than originally considered. In 2006, Law 1083 established that municipalities with a POT and over 100 000 inhabitants (i.e. 69 municipalities approximately) must issue an urban mobility plan to promote sustainable mobility prioritising active mobility (walking and cycling) and the installation of public transport systems that operate with clean energy (Gobierno de Colombia, 2006[27]). However, according to the MVCT, out of the 40% of cities that have formulated a PMSS, only 29% are updated, as was the case with POTs. Since 2020, the Ministry of Transport regulates the mobility plans to ensure their articulation with POTs. Municipalities have two years to adopt or update their mobility plans.

According to the results of the OECD Survey on Urban Development in Colombia, only 17 out of 72 municipalities have adopted an urban mobility plan. This may be explained by the fact that most of the municipalities that took part in the survey have less than 100 000 inhabitants and are therefore not obliged to plan mobility, although discussions are analysing the possibility for these cities to issue a mobility plan. However, those that have adopted an urban mobility plan reported that the main benefit has been a reduction in road accidents, which are a recurrent problem in Colombia. Moreover, the plans have also contributed to promoting active mobility (walking and cycling), making transport more efficient and reducing traffic congestion.

Financing the operation and maintenance of transport systems is an additional challenge for local authorities in Colombia. This is part of a vicious circle in which most of the transport systems based their financing on tickets sales but revenues from ticket selling are not enough to cover operational costs as demand is lower than what had been estimated. Demand is often low, among other things, because of the poor quality of transport services, which results in fewer passengers, less income for transport providers, and fewer resources to invest in infrastructure modernisation, higher frequencies and a modern fleet. According to municipalities that responded to the OECD survey and have an urban mobility plan, the implementation of urban mobility plans faces financial obstacles to building infrastructure due to the lack of funding from the national government as, by law, local governments are responsible for finding sources of financing alone, the limited fiscal autonomy of municipalities, and the lack of mobility planning at the metropolitan level as there are not robust metropolitan governance institutions nor metropolitan sources of financing (Figure 3.6).

Figure 3.6. Factors that hinder the implementation of the municipal mobility plan, n=17

Although the System of Cities included provisions for the regulation of integrated regional transport systems and the National Development Plan 2014-2018 promoted the creation of regional transport authorities, there has not been progress on any of those issues. Law 1955 of 2019 provides municipalities with a wide range of options for financing transport such as stabilisation funds, contributions for off-street parking or on-street parking, parking on public roads, areas with vehicle restriction, allocation of a collection percentage for traffic fines, residual value concessions, valuation, urban regulation actions, value capture tools, a surcharge of gasoline or diesel, resources obtained through non-operating income, among others (Gobierno de Colombia, 2019[28]). Figure 3.7 shows that municipalities rely on gasoline surcharges and to a lesser extent on transit fee penalties to obtain resources to finance transport. Despite the availability of different tools to finance transport investments, municipalities use them very little, as shown in Figure 3.7. The reason may be unawareness of the possibility to use them and a lack of technical capacity to implement them.

Figure 3.7. Main municipal sources of funding for public transport in Colombia, n=72

Public transport and urban planning are not always aligned

In Colombia, the evolution of cities is based on the assumption that physical proximity in cities can be overcome by increasing travel speed through the use of rapid, motorised modes of public and private transport. Moreover, the phenomenon of suburbanisation at lower densities observed in Colombia has been facilitated to a large extent by the introduction of private cars, which take up significantly more space than any other means of transport, thereby contributing to congestion, largely due to the discrepancy between the POTs and the infrastructure development projects. The introduction of mass transit systems such as the bus rapid transit (BRT) systems in some cities can alleviate the problem to a certain extent but they require density to be profitable and they struggle to attract enough passengers to finance transport operations. This provides a critical challenge for Colombian cities as motorisation (motorbikes and cars) far outpaces the provision of road infrastructure and public transport system provision (see Chapter 1).

In addition, urban mobility plans are not always co-ordinated with POTs, infrastructure investment strategies and local development plans. It seems that in Colombia, transport planning and land use planning are often carried out as separate functions, which leads to inconsistencies between urban mobility plans and POTs. This fragmentation hinders accessibility within metropolitan regions and prevents cities from leveraging agglomeration economies. This division may also reflect fundamental differences in the training of the planners responsible for land use and transport. In a context of shrinking revenues, escalating costs, environmental concerns and social impacts require different administrative units and levels of government to share responsibility for improving public transport and mobility.

Moreover, although some cities may have an urban mobility plan, the latter is not fully implemented due to the lack of regulations for their operationalisation. Without secondary regulation, urban mobility plans have no legal support and may not have continuity beyond the government term of four years. Finally, there is little evidence of co-operation and consultation on mobility plans with upper levels of government or with neighbouring localities. This suggests that mobility plans do not systematically consider the needs of the core city and its hinterland (forming the FUA) but only those of the municipal administrative area, which may lead to inefficiency and lost opportunities for joint investments. A central limitation is the lack of a metropolitan governance structure through which municipalities are able to plan and invest at the metropolitan level. In Colombia, there are no supra-local development strategies like in Poland that guide actions and investments of individual municipalities towards a common metropolitan (or functional) objective. This also limits the possibilities of financing metropolitan investment projects (see Chapter 5). Only since 2020, metropolitan areas legally constituted have the possibility to formulate their metropolitan mobility plan, although no action has been taken so far.

COVID-19 imposed constraints on the use of public space and movement

The COVID-19 pandemic has revealed that Colombian cities, like many others around the world, are not prepared for physical spacing guidelines imposed by the sanitary crisis. Citizens were asked to reduce their movements to the strict minimum to lessen transmission risks. However, for many workers, staying at home was not an option because they work in the informal economy or the health sector, emergency services, food retail and essential services. The challenge for Colombian authorities was to facilitate the movement of such essential workers without increasing risks of contagion. Figure 3.8 shows that as a consequence of COVID-19, the use of bicycles, motorcycles and private cars increased to comply with the safety measures. This is not surprising as cycling and motorcycling are well adopted in many Colombian cities. Physical distancing requirements have kept some people away from public transport and some people opted for walking and cycling, partly to avoid public transport whose use decreased as a result of the pandemic (Figure 3.8). In Bogotá, D.C. for example, in 2020, authorities announced the construction of an additional 35 km of temporary cycleways, adding to the 550 km cycleway network built since the 1970s.13 Similarly, Medellín plans to revive its economy after COVID-19, reduce carbon emissions through a focus on transport and become an ecocity. The city plans to expand bike lanes by almost 50% by 2023 to reach 145 km and more than double the number of interconnected public transport lines (trains, trams, cable car lines) by 2030. The city is also working to provide 50 000 e-bikes as part of a bicycle-sharing programme where residents can rent an e-bike at a low cost.14

Figure 3.8. Changes in transport modes and mobility trends due to the COVID-19 crisis across municipalities, n=72

However, low densities and long distances may hinder further use of active mobility as the latter is better suited for low density and short-distance areas. People travelling from the suburbs to the city centre for work or study may not be able to cycle or walk. Moreover, walking is made difficult by the use of public space (sidewalks, squares) for activities such as informal trade. This makes movement even more complicated for those with disabilities, as they run into obstacles that prevent the use of devices such as wheelchairs. In addition, current sidewalk widths in many Colombian cities cannot accommodate a large number of pedestrians while maintaining physical distancing.

A new national policy to overcome mobility challenges has been adopted although some limitations remain

The National Policy of Urban and Regional Mobility (CONPES 3991), the result of five years of cross-sectoral discussion, is a response to address national mobility challenges and modernise public transport policy in Colombia. Its general objective is to provide guidelines for the comprehensive management of urban and regional mobility to contribute to social welfare, protection of the environment and economic growth of the cities. The DNP, and the Ministries of Finance, Environment and Sustainable Development, and Transport led the elaboration of policy. It is worth noting that the MVCT was not part of the leading group despite transport being a critical urban-related topic (although it may have been consulted). The document foresees the elaboration of many studies to be commissioned whose conclusions will dictate the way forward. The documents include actions that are certainly needed to improve mobility in cities such as: the alignment of POTs with transport plans; the promotion of integrated transport systems; the improvement of the road network; the strengthening of the institutional setting for the implementation and follow-up of mobility projects; the provision of the national government’s support on metropolitan transport planning; and the mechanisms for financing public transport (DNP, 2020[32]). Its priorities are: reducing the negative externalities associated with transport, such as pollution, congestion and lack of road safety; enhancing the institutional capacity of local administrations to plan, execute, control and follow up urban mobility; and adopting new financing models for transport to ensure the sustainability of public transport systems and improve the quality of services (DNP, 2020[32]). The national government acknowledges the importance of promoting sustainable mobility and an efficient transport system. Investments for more than COP 66 billion (approximately USD 18.3 million) on transport and logistics to improve competitiveness and regional integration have been considered as part of the National Development Plan 2019-2022 (Gobierno de Colombia, 2019[28]).

The national urban mobility policy lacks a focus on accessibility and equality

It is too early to say whether CONPES 3991 will solve the mobility and accessibility challenges of Colombian cities. It will depend on how the strategic actions included in the document will be implemented. However, based on the experience of OECD countries (OECD, 2020[36]), it may be argued that the new national mobility policy has a limited focus on accessibility, understood as the need to ensure that people cannot only move around efficiently (as sought by CONPES 3991) but actually get to everything they need to thrive. Although CONPES 3991 aims to address some major mobility challenges and build a high-quality transport sector, it does not include a vision for transport or a strategy that enhances urban accessibility. It is necessary to consider that transport policy is only one of several key elements to ensure urban accessibility. From an accessibility perspective, it is also important to consider how land is used and managed, and how economic activities, services and amenities are distributed. There is no discussion on how digital technologies can be used to bridge accessibility gaps. At the same time, focusing on accessibility requires considering that social norms and differences in people’s economic means, abilities and technical capacities affect their access to urban opportunities (i.e. education, jobs, public services and leisure).

Equally relevant is that public transport in Colombia is neither planned nor designed to be gender-sensitive. Indeed, CONPES 3991 seeks that all residents regardless of their socio-economic background and physical abilities, can use public transport but its challenge is to translate this into urban mobility plans at the local level that acknowledge that it is usually women who have to take care of domestic chores, children, the elderly and sick, while also participating in productive activities; this dictates their travel patterns and behaviours, and they tend to travel more if they have a family. The time lost in travelling is therefore far more penalising for women. However, as reflected in CONPES 3991, it is widely perceived that transport investment and improvement benefit everyone equally. In addition, women tend to have a perception of insecurity in public transport, which limits their mobility options and possibilities to access opportunities. If they perceive public transport is not safe enough, they will not travel.

Some projects aim to improve mobility through urban planning

The MVCT, based on CONPES 3991, is promoting at least three initiatives to improve urban mobility. The first refers to the use of urban planning instruments for which the ministry has issued guidelines on sustainable mobility and urban development and promotes the “complete street” concept to define urban transport infrastructure needs. The second involves the promotion of urban projects under the transit-oriented development (TOD) approach, together with urban regeneration strategies. The third initiative lies in the development of a study on functional relations associated with mobility in urban agglomerations. Moreover, within the framework of CONPES 3991, the MVCT in co-ordination with the Ministry of Transport (MT) and the DNP is currently working on guidelines for territorial entities on how to develop mitigation instruments to face the negative impacts on mobility and public space related to congestion and land use for commercial purposes. Similarly, the MVCT, the MT and DNP are working on guidelines for the incorporation of urban and regional mobility criteria in urban development strategies.

Electric mobility is being promoted

Promoting clean mobility through electric and more energy-efficient vehicles has become a policy priority for the national government over the last decade. In 2018, the transport sector represented 40% of the energy used in Colombia and 92% of that energy came from fossil fuels, while only 24% was transformed into useful energy due to the obsolescence of the automotive fleet (Gobierno de Colombia, 2019[37]). In 2019, the national government published the National Strategy for Electric Mobility (SNME) to promote the electrification of the transport sector to reduce its impact on the environment and reduce GHG emissions (Gobierno de Colombia, 2019[37]). The SNME is in line with Colombia’s commitment to the Paris Agreement on Climate Change and the UN Agenda 2030 on Sustainable Development; it is expected to contribute to the national goal of reducing CO₂ emissions by 51% through the incorporation of 600 000 electric vehicles by 2030. One of the actions of the SNME is to evaluate the relevance of converting combustion vehicles to electric vehicles by 2023. However, achieving the objectives stated in the strategy requires overcoming a number of challenges ranging from regulation to economic, technological, infrastructure and land use challenges. Implementing the strategy will also require the co-ordination of stakeholders from different sectors (i.e. energy, transport and environment) and different levels of government. City planners will also have to adapt the urban space to define the most appropriate places for the installation of electric vehicle recharging stations across the city.

In 2019, Colombia passed Law 1964 aimed at promoting the use of electric vehicles and contributing to sustainable mobility (Gobierno de Colombia, 2019[29]). The government uses fiscal tax incentives to promote the acquisition of electric vehicles. For example, Law 1964 establishes that all tariffs applicable to electric vehicles should not exceed 1% of their commercial value. Other incentives include discounts in the technical-mechanical review of polluting emissions, discounts on the registration or vehicle tax, differentiated rates for parking spaces, tax exemptions, exemption to vehicle restriction measures such as Pico y Placa15 or one day without a car, and preferential parking. The law establishes that after 6 years of its implementation, 30% of the vehicles of the national government, municipalities of Category 116 and public transport providers should be electric. Decree 2051 of 2019 sets a 0% tax for electric vehicles and for vehicles with an exclusive natural gas operating engine a 5% for import tax. The Tax Statute establishes a 5% value added tax (VAT) for electric vehicles.

Law 1964 gives regional and municipal authorities ample powers to regulate the use of electric vehicles, which may help tailor traffic schemes. However, without proper monitoring procedures on the part of the national government, there could be some delays or even omissions in the implementation of the law. For example, according to the law, cities that have mass transportation systems must implement public policies and actions aimed at guaranteeing that a percentage of the vehicles used for the operation of the fleets are electric or have zero polluting emissions. This also applies in cases when it is intended to increase the transport capacity of the systems, when a vehicle needs to be replaced due to total or partial destruction that makes it impossible to use or repair, and when its useful life ends and it needs to be replaced. The aim to have 100% of new electric vehicles by 2035 will depend on the financial capacity of every city and service provider.

COVID-19 has given a new impetus to investment in transport infrastructure

Investing in transport infrastructure has been a constant priority for Colombian authorities, although efforts mostly focus on road construction. They have worked closely with the private sector on the supply, operation and maintenance of buses and trains and to build infrastructure under public-private partnership schemes. The COVID-19 pandemic has enhanced efforts to invest in transport infrastructure such as roads and motorways. For example, under the COVID-19 recovery plan Compromiso por Colombia, the national government aims to accelerate public-private partnerships to implement projects tendered under the Fourth Generation (4G) transport infrastructure projects, as well as the launch of the planned Fifth Generation (5G) transport infrastructure programme, and the implementation of the tertiary road building programme to boost territorial integration and a road improvement programme. The transport projects (4G) refer to the construction of motorways across the economic hub in the country that had already been announced since 2018, whose execution and completion represent an opportunity to reactivate the national economy.17 The Colombian Chamber of Infrastructure proposed to the government an investment plan for the rehabilitation and maintenance of the secondary and tertiary road network that amounts to COP 6.8 billion (USD 1.8 billion). Over the next decade, the chamber proposes to invest COP 54 billion (USD 14 billion) on strategic transport infrastructure projects, which would contribute to an annual increase of the GDP by 0.8%.18

Building accessible cities in Colombia

Prioritising compact urban growth, affordable mass transit and high levels of active mobility are the most cost-effective means of providing access to opportunities while boosting economic competitiveness and protecting the environment (Rode et al., 2019[38]; OECD, 2020[36]). Based on the experience of OECD countries, Colombian authorities may wish to consider the following recommendations to strengthen national and local mobility initiatives and strategies.

Strengthen the implementation of CONPES 3991

The implementation of CONPES 3991 is vital to building capacity at the subnational level for sustainable urban mobility in Colombia. The document is in its early stages and provisions should be taken to ensure its continuation and improvement in the long term. However, most of the transformation is required at the subnational level and this is where the national policy should have an impact. Some actions could include:

Realign the national mobility policy (CONPES 3991) and budgets. The national government plays a central role in shaping urban mobility patterns and is a major funder of both high- and low-carbon transport infrastructure. Colombia could use the COVID-19 stimulus and recovery package to promote transformative change. Priorities may include: expanding established sustainable travel, such as walking, cycling and public transport use; rapidly electrifying road transport; and shifting away from individual car ownership and towards sharing and pooling (Rode et al., 2021[39]).
Consider the development of a CONPES document on land use management (ordenamiento territorial) that supports accessibility. This could help develop an accessibility approach complementing CONPES 3991. This CONPES should consider how land is used and managed.
Ensure that the sustainable and safe mobility plans and the POTs help cities meet their primary function of connecting people with one another and with opportunities, resources, goods and services. Municipal governments will lead much of the work to achieve this but, to succeed, they need strong national-level support. The national government often defines what is possible, through everything from building codes to infrastructure investments, and can accelerate or stifle urban transformation towards more compact, connected, clean and inclusive cities.
Continue providing support for the design, implementation and evaluation of the urban mobility plans to build capacity in local governments for the development and management of their own mobility plan. Not all cities in Colombia have the technical and financial capacity to develop a high-quality technical mobility plan. The national government, through the MT and the DNP, could assist willing local governments with the necessary technical support, together with the pre-existing possibility of co-financing projects for public transport. This could also be supported by raising awareness through training courses, the dissemination of examples of good practices and networking opportunities to facilitate knowledge sharing and capacity building.
Ensure that development, land use and mobility planning are conducted with a functional area perspective to facilitate coherent investment decisions and provide guidance to local decisions. Despite provisions taken in the System of Cities regarding metropolitan governance, progress has been limited. The OECD Principles on Urban Policy call for an adaptation of policy action to the place where people live and work by adapting development strategies and public service delivery to the diversity of urban scales (OECD, 2019[40]). If large cities develop a mobility plan in isolation from neighbouring municipalities, generally with smaller populations, this hinders the co‑ordination of actions for improving mobility and accessibility.
Develop new sources of finance for metropolitan-wide transport. Financing public transport should not be seen as a cost but an investment that yields economic, social and environmental returns to cities. Public transport plays a particularly critical role in large metropolitan areas, by helping ensure accessibility and reduce the need to drive. Investing in metropolitan-wide public transport is an urgent priority for Colombian cities given the growing urbanisation levels and the need to promote sustainable mobility to tackle climate change. It is also essential from an equity perspective, as it is the main mode through which lower-income residents are able to access jobs, education and core services. In addition, high-quality public transport can help mitigate the negative effects of urban sprawl by facilitating movement within and between peripheral neighbourhoods and into core employment centres. National and local authorities could explore, in addition to direct subsidies and support from the national government, new financing models that could include how cities might cross-subsidise public transport, for example through road pricing and land value capture instruments (Rode et al., 2021[39]). Other actions could include reallocating new transport infrastructure investments to maintain and improve existing assets and services and reinvesting the proceeds from fees, pricing and taxation related to private car use in public transport. Colombia may consider adopting a medium-term budget framework for transport investment. It may help cities promote more efficient use of resources by creating stable and predictable conditions to plan their investment expenditures. A medium-term budget framework has the potential to facilitate multiyear planning, spend resources as needed and identify and exploit efficiency-related savings (OECD, 2020[36]). Official spending authorisations would remain annual but a medium-term budget framework can enable transport authorities, as well as any other government ministry or agency, to make clearer commitments in their budget allocations. Transport authorities would be in a better position to plan their investment projects and activities.
Include digital connectivity as part of mobility plans. The COVID-19 pandemic led to a situation in Colombia, and elsewhere, where public transport and mobility were substituted by digital connectivity. Digital technologies can be major enablers of social and economic development, enhancing access to urban resources while reducing the need to travel. Digital connectivity can also make a considerable contribution to decarbonisation by reducing the need to travel. Indeed, digital technologies have great potential to reduce GHG emissions from transport, as Chapter 1 shows the transport sector produces 12% of GHG emissions in cities, of which 90% are produced by road transport. However, digital connectivity remains deeply inequitable in Colombia. The national government needs to treat digital connectivity as an integrated component of urban accessibility policy. This means putting equitable virtualisation requirements and opportunities on par with physical transport infrastructure, so they can offer real alternatives to physical mobility. To regulate digital connectivity, Colombia needs to consider the connectivity plans of each city and their particular geographic circumstances. Colombia could include digital connectivity requirements as part of urban planning and building regulations, incentives to bridge the digital divide, direct investments in and delivery of digital connectivity through the public sector and enabling new finance, such as universal service funds. The national government needs to treat digital connectivity on par with physical transport access. This implies positioning virtualisation requirements and opportunities as an integral part of national transport policy. The challenge for Colombia will be to ensure equitable access to digital connectivity as well as affordability.

Improve the quality of urban mobility plans

To improve mobility in Colombian cities and contribute to sustainable development, it is also important that municipal mobility plans are taken to the next level by:

Ensure that urban mobility plans have a holistic approach to foster accessibility and not just mobility. Enhancing accessibility requires a holistic planning approach that links social, economic and environmental aspects. The aim is to ensure that planning of the city’s movement and traffic contributes to building accessible and attractive cities. By taking a holistic approach to planning, cities can use the movement of people and public transport to achieve bigger objectives such as sustainability, equity, inclusiveness and growth.
Widening the scope to include key issues that impact mobility and accessibility, as suggested in CONPES 3991, such as: the different needs of citizens, businesses and industry in terms of mobility and transport services; multi-modality; balance between the need for economic viability, social equity and environmental protection; efficiency and cost-effectiveness; strategies for better use of public space and existing transport infrastructure; and the adoption of a gender approach to guide mobility strategies.
Assessing current and future performance of the transport system. This could include an analysis of the institutional setup, planning and delivery mechanisms as well as realistic performance indicators (i.e. on energy, environment, quality of transport services, social inclusion, gender equity, health, etc.). The national government should ensure that transport planning is target-led rather than prediction-based. In other words, there should be realistic targets to achieve based on local needs and the specific socio-economic context. The transport strategy should avoid forecasts as they are not useful for measuring progress. In Australia, for example, the New South Wales (NSW) transport strategy from 2016 sets a vision for the next 40 years on how transport can help build a productive economy, liveable communities and sustainable society (OECD, 2020[36]).
Fostering a balanced and integrated development of all transport modes. This could be done at the same time as CONPES 3991 encourages a shift to sustainable transport modes such as electric vehicles or active mobility.

Ensure that local development plans, POTs and mobility plans work in a co-ordinated fashion

Authorities need to ensure that local development plans, POTs and urban mobility strategies work in a co‑ordinated fashion following a regional/metropolitan approach. If Colombia wishes to pursue transit-oriented development (TOD) projects, sound strategic planning needs to guide land use, transport and mobility, housing, environmental, economic and social policy decisions. Moreover, mobility plans by themselves will not have the desired impact in terms of accessibility and sustainability unless they are co‑ordinated with other policies, notably housing, environmental protection and economic development. To align land use, transport and development planning, Colombian authorities may wish to consider the following recommendations:

Integrate the planning of transport with land use planning to prevent costly consequences of urban sprawl, congestion and air pollution, and promote sustainable development. While Colombia acknowledges that transport, land use and development planning must be co-ordinated, some institutional barriers still need to be overcome, such as the fact that the two issues are planned by separate institutions at the local level without much co-ordination. CONPES 3991 already refers to the need to co-ordinate transport and land use planning issues but it is regarded as a national directive for national-level institutions. However, land use planning decisions largely influence public transport service provision and how cities are planned determines mobility needs. According to the experience of Greater Vancouver (Canada), a good POT is a good transport plan (Huerta Melchor and Lembcke, 2020[41]). Achieving the goals of the POTs and the mobility plans requires aligning land use and transport planning. The location of jobs and housing fundamentally determines where and to what extent people, goods and services need to travel. POTs could help shorten trips and promote sustainable transport choices (cycling, walking and public transport). For that purpose, they could prioritise dense and mixed development, as well as business activity located near transit stations. POTs should also provide the framework for planning utilities (water, liquid waste and solid waste), transport, housing and air quality. In this sense, Colombia could adopt the Frequent Transit Development Area (FTDA) concept, defined as a moderate to high-density, mixed-use residential and commercial development located around a transit station or corridor. This would help encourage a compact and pedestrian-oriented city that improves access to residential, retail, office and community uses nearby.
Consider conducting a comprehensive housing and land use policy reform. It is essential to consider housing affordability and public transport policies in tandem to improve quality of life, competitiveness and productivity in cities. Colombian authorities should focus not only on housing construction but on building communities and neighbourhoods where residents can access the opportunities, services and amenities they need to thrive. Housing developments in locations without good connectivity have limited access to goods and services and act to the detriment of the economy, the environment and people’s well-being. It is important to provide a wide array of options, including both homeownership and rentals, to address the needs of people at different income levels and in different life situations. When transport investments are conducted without taking into consideration how housing can remain affordable, it may in turn make housing expensive for low-income households. The MVCT and the MT in co-ordination with local authorities must also ensure that decisions on where to build homes are based on real costs to society, and avoid providing direct or indirect subsidies for dispersed urban development. The experience of OECD countries suggests that achieving affordable housing and transport requires creating high-density, mixed-used places (OECD, 2020[36]). When designing POTs, Colombian municipalities could analyse housing and transport needs together to ensure housing affordability. This approach provides a more comprehensive view of affordability by looking not just at the price of housing (buying or renting) but also the location of housing and transport expenditure. The challenge for authorities here is to strike a balance between housing prices and closeness to public transport stations as maintaining affordability when expanding the transport network or building closer to transport hubs could be a complex issue. The experience of London suggests that to use transport as a driver of economic growth and well-being, it is necessary to maximise the capacity of the public transport network, extend the network to open up new areas for homes, optimise land use around stations and improve conditions for walking and cycling (Box 3.6).

Box 3.6. Promoting affordable housing and transport in London

London’s Transport Strategy includes a series of proposals intended to embed public transport in current and future developments. Authorities explore options for developments around the more than 600 rail and tube stations in the city. Some of the options involve converting land use from low-density uses (retail, storage, parking) to high-density mixed-use development. For this purpose, the transport authority and the boroughs:

Seek opportunities for densification of development supported by the public transport network, in particular around public transport stations and stops, and investment in improving station environments, interchanges and local walking and cycling networks.
Impose high expectations of developers to deliver transport solutions that will promote a shift to active, efficient and sustainable modes, reduce road congestion, improve air quality and assist in the development of attractive and healthy places.
Restrict car parking provision within new developments and ensure that new developments contain high levels of cycle parking and storage.
Support growth through transport investment and planning in the Central Activities Zone (CAZ), in and around town centres, in close proximity to stations and opportunity areas.

Source: Greater London Authority (n.d.[42]), Mayor’s Transport Strategy, https://www.london.gov.uk/what-we-do/transport/our-vision-transport/mayors-transport-strategy-2018.

Explore the viability of creating metropolitan transport authorities

Although the System of Cities and CONPES 3991 make reference to the need to adopt territorial associative systems for public transport provision, progress has been limited. It is increasingly common across metropolitan areas in OECD countries that a metropolitan-wide transport authority has facilitated the implementation of the transport strategy. These transport authorities are responsible for the organisation and provision of transport services in multiple jurisdictions in a metropolitan area. Some examples are Transport for London (TfL), the Consorcio Regional de Transportes de Madrid (CRTM), the South Coast British Columbia Transport Authority (TransLink), the Regional Organiser of Prague Integrated Transport (ROPID) and the Île de France Mobilités (France). Since metropolitan areas in Colombia, including the Metropolitan Region of Bogotá-Cundinamarca (Región Metropolitana de Bogotá-Cundinamarca, RMBC), are responsible for transport and the environment, local authorities with the support of the national and department governments could explore the relevance of creating such institutions. They could be either direct providers of transport services (e.g. TfL and TransLink) or co‑ordinators of the different service providers (i.e. CRTM, Île-de-France Mobilités, ROPID and RMV) (OECD, 2020[36]). However, they should be responsible for planning the transport system across the metropolitan area aiming at discouraging the use of private vehicles, define investment projects on mobile and fixed infrastructure, and introduce a harmonised fare structure. If Colombian metropolitan areas and the RMBC wish to build a transport authority, they need to make sure they have the technical and financial capacities to perform their tasks and support from the highest political levels.

Having a metropolitan transport authority could be a way to fund transport, reduce competition between modes and facilitate much closer collaboration within and between the public sector and private franchise holders and operators. One of the first elements to boost cities’ investment capacity is to motivate metropolitan co-ordination and co-operation for planning and investment. Co-ordination is particularly relevant in metropolitan areas where there is no metropolitan government but a fragmented administration. The United States (US) offer an example where metropolitan planning organisations (MPOs) were explicitly created for planning and programming federal transport funds (Box 3.7). The goal was to ensure that existing and future expenditures for transport investment projects were based on a continuing, co-operative and comprehensive planning process.

Box 3.7. Metropolitan planning organisations in the US

In the US, urban areas of more than 50 000 residents are required to have an MPO to qualify for federal transport funding. In 2013, there were 342 MPOs in the country. The reason for their creation was to facilitate adaptation to local conditions in order to best allocate federal transport funding. To access federal funding, MPOs need to develop long-range transportation plans with planning horizons of at least 20 years. The plans must be based on demographic, travel and employment trends for their regions and propose a series of transport improvements to meet projected needs. The plans must be elaborated based on a realistic assessment of the available funding over the planning period to avoid transport projects exceeding identified revenues. Moreover, every decision must be evaluated against a set of alternatives to ensure that the most cost-effective solutions are chosen. The long-term plans are then translated into rolling five-year transport improvement programmes containing all projects to be funded in the metropolitan area over the next five years, identifying the sources of funding allocated to each.

Source: OECD (2015[43]), Governing the City, https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264226500-en (accessed on 9 August 2017).

There is no common blueprint that defines the responsibilities of a transport authority. Some transport authorities are direct providers of transport services (e.g. TfL and TransLink), while others co‑ordinate the work of different service providers (CRTM, Île-de-France Mobilités, ROPID and RMV). However, some typical responsibilities of transport authorities are: i) planning the transport system by ensuring the provision of the services across the metropolitan area and discouraging the use of private vehicles; ii) managing the operation or co-ordinating the operation of transport services; iii) defining investment projects on mobile and fixed infrastructure; iv) co-ordinating the planning of transport service provision across municipalities in the metropolitan area; v) ensuring inter-modality to facilitate the movement of people and goods and make the most of the existing infrastructure; vi) setting fees and tariffs for transport services across the metropolitan area; and vii) contributing to the achievement of regional development objectives (i.e. housing, environmental, economic) through transport provision.

Enable urban accessibility through compact cities and public transport

Building accessible cities requires retrofitting and re-densification of established urban cores through urban transit-oriented development (TOD). As mentioned above, Colombia’s national government plans to conduct TOD projects in a quest to improve urban mobility. CONPES 3991 already refers to the need to enable accessibility through compact cities and transport, but more needs to be done to make it a reality. Authorities should keep in mind that TOD planning should cover diverse scales, not only small land plots around stations as is done in some European cities. TOD planning on a large scale is a way to ensure a sufficient number of public transit customers and to underpin the investment in public transport. In Metro Vancouver (Canada), TOD is considered an effective way of concentrating growth on brownfield sites while generating and attracting transit ridership to shift the modal share to public transport (Huerta Melchor and Lembcke, 2020[41]). Colombian cities could follow three principles when combining urban transport policy with re-densification projects. First, cities need to reduce travel intensity in cities through greater physical proximity and co‑location of different urban functions; second, they need to promote the adoption of public, shared and non-motorised transport; and third, improve the efficiency of road-based vehicles (Rode et al., 2014[44]).

If Colombian authorities plan to conduct TOD projects, it will be necessary to build compact multifunctional spaces. Policy makers will need to approach compact city policies as a way to achieve both environmental and economic growth objectives. TOD will need to be pursued under a compact city policy approach; national guidelines on re-densification should be incorporated into local regulation, and the need to always co‑ordinate land use, transport and urban regeneration policies. This could not only contribute to environmental goals but also economic growth.

Use public transport to contribute to cities’ transition to a low-carbon economy

Colombian cities have an opportunity to curb carbon emissions and improve air quality through public transport. There are two complementary ways in which this can be achieved. First, the promotion of multi-modal public transport, disincentives to discourage residents from using private cars such as congestion charges and incentives to opt for more active mobility options like walking and cycling can certainly contribute to reducing CO₂ emissions (OECD, 2020[45]; 2020[36]). The second option refers to investments in hybrid and electric buses for public transport service since most of the transport networks in Colombian cities are organised around bus fleets. Although buses still produce a large aggregate amount of emissions, they can still contribute to reducing emissions per capita.

Investing in an electric bus fleet is financially prohibitive for most cities in the country, including Bogotá, D.C. (Box 3.8). An option to be explored could be to use resources from the recovery and stimulus packages related to the COVID-19 pandemic to support the modernisation of the bus fleets in the main cities. However, the electrification of the bus fleets requires careful planning to balance expected costs and benefits. For this, the national government could integrate electrification objectives into existing legal frameworks and national regulations that guide and promote the shift to a zero-carbon emission bus fleet across Colombian cities and highlights the importance of e-mobility as a tool for climate change mitigation. The National Strategy for Electric Mobility is a key asset in this respect as it provides guidance to local investments.

Box 3.8. The challenges of electrifying Bogotá, D.C.’s bus fleet

In 2000, despite the introduction of an environmentally improved TransMilenio bus rapid transit (BRT) system, Bogotá, D.C.’s bus fleet was still responsible for 23% of CO₂, 55% of PM₁₀ and 40% of NO_x vehicle emissions in the city while representing only 5% of total vehicles in the city. In recent years, more than 50% of the articulated buses of the TransMilenio fleet were put into service when the BRT system opened (and still in operation) failed to meet government emission standards. Although current buses are cleaner than private cars on a passenger-per mile basis, a zero-emission fleet would provide substantial benefits in a country where the transport sector generated over 30% of energy-related emissions in 2013.

City authorities have recognised the benefits of a zero-emission bus fleet and, since 2012, have considered and evaluated the economic and technological viability of hybrid buses. However, early e‑bus efforts failed because TransMilenio faced many of the common challenges related to adopting e‑buses. From a technological point of view, e-buses do not offer the same range of distance covered as conventional buses. Due to battery constraints, e-buses averaged 235 km per day, while diesel buses averaged 440 km. Bogotá, D.C.’s hilly topography and rough roads were also a challenge for the articulated e-buses. Financially, e-buses represented a high financial risk due to the high upfront costs. Conventional procurement models were unable to evaluate the return on investment that e-buses offer in operational costs, compared with conventional buses. Institutionally, e-buses have suffered from a lack of political momentum.

Despite these challenges, in 2018, the city government issued a draft tender to replace 1 441 articulated and bi-articulated buses that were among the oldest in the total fleet of 2 884 BRT buses. At the beginning, the tender did not include any incentives for adopting e-buses. After stakeholders voiced their concerns, TransMilenio included some incentives for e-buses. However, in December 2018, TransMilenio decided that the selected bidder would provide 741 compressed natural gas (CNG) buses and 7 000 Euro V diesel buses, but no e-buses. This tender still had the merit of sparking public dialogue on e-buses. For the 2019 tender, TransMilenio wanted to promote e-buses as part of a large fleet overhaul. This tender also included TransMilenio’s smaller, non-articulated fleet, which better aligned with the commercially competitive and available e-bus sizes and provided a greater opportunity to go electric. However, so far, no electric bus is part of the TransMilenio fleet.

Source: Ryan Sclar, E. (2020[46]), “The future of urban mobility: The case for electric bus deployment in Bogotá, Colombia”, https://urbantransitions.global/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/The_Future_of_Urban_Mobility_web_FINAL.pdf; TransMilenio (n.d.[47]), Historia de TransMilenio, https://www.transmilenio.gov.co/publicaciones/146028/historia-de-transmilenio/.

Give active mobility (walking and cycling) the highest priority over any other means of transportation for short-distance trips

Building transport-oriented communities require giving pedestrians the highest priority over any other means of transportation by promoting walking and cycling for the last mile or short-distance trips. Although this may not be an option for everyone anywhere, cycling and walking are the fastest and least expensive modes for door-to-door travel for many short-distance trips. Colombia’s high levels of cycling must be preserved and increased. The MVCT Neighbourhood Improvement Programme includes the construction of walking and cycling infrastructure while promoting safer use of streets for pedestrians and cyclists. Promoting active mobility may be at the neighbourhood level as non-motorised transport is more suitable for shorter distances. For that purpose, Colombia may wish to consider the following actions:

Rethink and recalibrate the way in which public space (streets) is used and allocated. Colombia could promote the reallocation of road space and tactical urbanism. In Colombian cities where cycling and micromobility (i.e. scooters) are already popular, the emergence of COVID-19 and the physical spacing imperatives will require allocating more space to cyclists, pedestrians and micromobility. The “tactical urbanism” used during the pandemic to accommodate the urgent need for physical distancing could prove to be a powerful tool for Colombian local governments to push back against the dominance of cars. This offers a window of opportunity to make physical and behavioural changes permanent and ensure that they are integrated into strategies for more sustainable urban and transport planning (Rode et al., 2021[39]). Support from the national government will be critical in scaling up these early successes in some cities and making them a national-wide practice. For example, in Brussels, Belgium, authorities are re-timing traffic lights to give more time for pedestrians and cyclists and avoid crowding at junctions.19 They are also fast-tracking the implementation of the Good Move Regional Mobility Plan for the Brussels Capital Region, which places citizens at the centre of decision making (Box 3.9).

Box 3.9. Brussel’s Good Move Regional Mobility Plan 2020-2030

Brussel’s Regional Mobility Plan, called Good Move, defines the main policy guidelines for mobility in the capital region. It aims to improve the living environment while supporting the demographic and economic development of the city. The plan was built over four years, involving the participation of a vast number of stakeholders. The Good Move plan places the user at the heart of all daily travel.

The Good Move plan adopts a transversal approach to mobility aiming to improve living standards and change travelling habits based on needs and constraints. For this purpose, regional authorities have adopted a regulatory framework and an action plan divided into six transversal focuses:

Good neighbourhood: to manage mobility in the neighbourhood and improve quality of life.
Good network: to organise transport networks and ensure and efficient service.
Good service: to provide a wide range of integrated services.
Good choices: to guide individual and collective choices without compromising individual freedom.
Good partner: to ensure partnership governance for implementing the mobility plan.
Good knowledge: to update mobility data and evaluate the mobility plan regularly.

Source: Brussels Mobility (2020[48]), Good Move – The Regional Mobility Plan 2020-2030, https://mobilite-mobiliteit.brussels/en/good-move.

Improve sidewalks, street crossings and other walking infrastructure. This includes removing barriers to walking and cycling and expanding walking access to transit to make more efficient and safer use of streets for short journeys. COVID-19 has created the momentum for Colombian cities to invest more in walking and cycling infrastructure as part of their emergency infrastructure projects. However, it is important that cities link emergency infrastructure to long-term urban accessibility objectives by investing in building infrastructure now that they want to keep it for the future (ITF, 2020[49]). In light of COVID-19 restrictions, Colombian authorities will need to adjust to a new environment in which travel options, preferences and even behaviour may change. Temporal infrastructure built to allow physical distancing may be in use for the long term. To ensure safe urban travel, particularly walking and cycling, authorities may consider the following measures:
- Do not compromise safety when rapidly deploying emergency infrastructure for active mobility.
- Link emergency infrastructure to long-term objectives.
- Monitor the use of infrastructure and expand it wherever it is required.
- Consider fast-tracking upgrades in places with high use levels.
- Link emergency active mobility infrastructure to other resilience-enhancing measures (ITF, 2020[49]).
Promote the safe use of micromobility devices (including e-micromobility). As Chapter 1 shows, Colombia has a high-level use of micromobility devices (motorcycles and motorised scooters). These can be an option to move people out of single-occupancy cars for the first and last-mile trip, which would free up road capacity for people who need to travel further. Cities like Medellín plan to expand the use of e-bikes to make more efficient use of public space. This is certainly a positive move in terms of flexibility and low cost. E-bikes have lower operating costs than owning and operating private cars, and their costs are even further reduced when sharing schemes become available. However, micromobility (including the electric version) should be promoted with care. Local authorities would need to bring clarity on what constitutes an electric micromobility device and where and how it can be used. Cities could classify e-bikes and scooters as non-motor vehicles and clearly define the maximum speed for low (25 km/h) and moderate (top speed 45 km/h) speed electric devices. Colombian cities may wish to look at the experience of Madrid, Spain, where local authorities have enacted a regulation that addresses the circulation of alternative means of transport (Box 3.10).

Box 3.10. Rules for micromobility in the city of Madrid

The city of Madrid, Spain, is becoming a lab for innovative mobility regulation. Local authorities plan to transform mobility in the city and have enacted regulations to provide clarity on the use of alternative means of transport. The approach makes a clear distinction among different types of vehicles:

Vehicles for urban mobility (electric kickboards, Segways, etc.): The local regulation uses the classification of the type of motor vehicles (A, B, C0, C1 y C2) established by the national General Traffic Directorate through Norm 16/V-124. It then establishes that this type of vehicle has to circulate either on roads (where maximum speed is 30 km/h) or bicycle lanes. It also regulates the equipment (lights, braking device, whistle, etc.) that these vehicles have to incorporate to circulate legally.
Rollerblades and kickboards, or similar vehicles, with no motor: Will be able to circulate on sidewalks at a maximum speed of 5 km/h and on all types of bicycle lanes.
Skateboards: Follow a similar regulation to rollerblades and kickboards, but their circulation will be forbidden on sidewalks or bicycle lanes that are too steep. This is to ensure safety since this kind of device has no brakes. For sports purposes, users will have to go to specific authorised areas.

Source: OECD (2020[36]), Improving Transport Planning for Accessible Cities, https://dx.doi.org/10.1787/fcb2eae0-en.

Make urban public transport gender-sensitive

Colombia, like many countries in Latin America, needs to include a gender lens in planning urban accessibility. The public transport system needs to give everyone access to their city and therefore be designed and used considering the needs of all travellers equally. City planners need to better understand the links between accessibility, inclusiveness and well-being, as well as the travel patterns of different categories of users such as women, the elderly, children, etc. This can only be achieved when considering the potential synergies between improving the access to goods, services and information and goals such as environmental protection and limiting social exclusion from the outset. The Sectoral Committee for the Co-ordination and Implementation of the National Policy on Gender Equity in the Transport Sector created in 2019, has begun discussion and work on making urban transport gender-sensitive, although the challenge is to translate its resolutions to the sustainable and safe mobility plans elaborated at the subnational level.

Planning and designing the transport system should go beyond technical considerations to ensure well-being, inclusiveness and accessibility. City authorities need to engage the local community in the planning of the transport system. If Colombia wishes to promote gender-inclusive urbanisation and transport, it needs to empower the participation of a wider range of stakeholders, including women and disadvantaged groups (i.e. the elderly and minorities) in the planning and operation of the public transport system. Promoting gender equality in the transport sector may be a way to have more women involved in the transport sector as workers.

The national government could provide guidelines to municipal governments so that they include a gender perspective in their mobility policies. Mexico’s experience suggests that designing a mobility plan under a gender perspective is a multi-disciplinary and multi-sectoral process (Box 3.11). A key lesson for Colombian cities is the promotion of employment of women in the transport sector from planning to operation.

Box 3.11. Mexico City’s Gender and Mobility Strategic Plan

In 2019, the government of Mexico City issued the Gender and Mobility Strategic Plan elaborated through an interdisciplinary and multi-sectoral process. Its aim is to ensure that women are able to commute with accessibility, comfort, safety and less transfer time. This is the local government’s response to three main problems women face when using public transport: sexual violence and assaults, unacknowledged and unsatisfied mobility needs, and unequal participation in the transport sector. It includes targets for the participation of women in the transport sector. By 2024, the plan aims to have at least 5% more women in positions at the director-general level and in areas where women make up less than 30% of the workforce. Figure 3.9 shows the specific action lines per strategic axis of the Gender and Mobility Strategic Plan.

Figure 3.9. Mexico City gender and mobility priorities

Boosting inclusive urban economic development

Although cities are the engine of economic growth, their productivity levels remain low

Colombian cities are large contributors to national economic growth (DNP, 2014[4]). Cities like Barranquilla, Bogotá, D.C., Bucaramanga, Cali, Cartagena and Medellín concentrate a larger share of human capital, manufacturing installations and services activities. For example, according to the MVCT, 70% of the qualified workforce is in Bogotá, D.C., Cali and Medellín, but 50% of the urban economy is informal. The Metropolitan Region of Bogotá-Cundinamarca alone produces 32.1% of the national GDP in 2020.20 This is a similar level observed in France where the Île-de-France Region accounted for 31.2% of the national GDP in 2018 (Choose Paris Region, L’Institut Paris Region, Paris Île-de-France Regional Chamber of Commerce and Industry, 2021[51]). However, the OECD has found that the growth potential of the Colombian economy has declined over the last decade due to weak productivity and differences in productivity across regions (OECD, 2019[52]).

Colombian urban economy has been affected by concentration on few sectors of low sophistication and added value, skills shortages, high levels of informality, poor infrastructure and corruption. The six largest cities in the country lack specialisation, register low levels of productivity and have a low absorption capacity. Moreover, Colombia’s innovation system is still small and lacks a strong business core which hinders productivity in cities and the development of new economic activities (OECD, 2014[53]). Investment in research and development (R&D) grew 111.9% between 2010 and 2019; in 2010, it represented 0.48% of GDP while in 2019 it amounted to 0.74% (Consejo Privado de Competitividad, 2021[54]). Across OECD countries, investment in R&D represented 2.5% of GDP in 2019.21 As suggested above, the digital gap among regions and cities as well as among individuals hampers productivity levels. The Colombian authorities are working on policy measures to help address current shortcomings in this domain and further develop the Internet economy and increase productivity and competitiveness. For example, the national government’s Vive Digital strategy is a comprehensive set of proactive digital policies that address the four main pillars of the Internet economy (infrastructure, services, applications and users) and information and communication technology (ICT) supply and demand.

The service sector represents nearly 60% of the national GDP and 70% of the total workforce in Colombia (Olaberría, 2017[55]). However, its potential to boost cities’ economies, in particular in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, is being undermined by high informality and poor education and training policies that prevent workers from adopting new skills rapidly. Informality is both the cause and the consequence of low productivity. According to government data, 70% of informal workers work in informal enterprises; the rest are independent workers or employees without fixed remuneration. Labour informality reduces job quality, labour protection and income. According to OECD calculations, informal workers in Colombia suffer from an hourly wage penalty of 49% after controlling for worker and job characteristics (OECD, 2019[52]). The national government has made several efforts to reduce informality, such as the 2012 tax reform, which reduced non-wage costs by 13.5%, helping to create more formal jobs but informality remains high.

Moreover, despite progress over the last decade, the transport and logistics infrastructure, which underpins trade and mobility of the labour force, remains less developed than in OECD and other Latin American countries (Olaberría, 2017[55]; DNP, 2014[4]; OECD, 2016[6]). Colombian cities need to invest in infrastructure in sectors such as transport, health, education and housing to move up in the value chain, make economic growth more sustainable and reduce inequality. Poor transport infrastructure, for example, is leading to high costs of domestic transportation costs and even contributes to more inequality across regions and cities as those far from main transport facilities cannot compete in national and international trade. Moreover, transport infrastructure (roads, railways, ports, and airports) is of much lower quality than in OECD countries (Olaberría, 2017[55]).

Another factor that hinders productivity in Colombian cities in the low skill level of the labour force (see Chapter 1). Companies face difficulties in finding skilled workers, particularly in the industrial sector. Colombia requires reforms to improve education quality at all levels. In particular, improving technical education is necessary to help companies fill shortages of technically skilled workers.

In 2014, the Mission of the System of Cities (Misión del Sistema de Ciudades) provided a clear diagnostic on the low productivity levels registered in the System of Cities. It identified low productivity as one of the major challenges of the national economy that needs to be addressed to maintain and improve growth levels. As Chapter 1 shows, most of those challenges are still present and the recommendations formulated in 2014 are therefore still valid and should be strengthened (Box 3.12). To complement those recommendations, this review proposes two additional points: improving the practice of public investment for infrastructure to make the most of available resources; and fostering local innovation.

Box 3.12. The Mission of the System of Cities’ recommendations to improve productivity

Productivity levels vary across cities according to the size of their labour market, human capital, formal employment and high productivity clusters. The mission concluded that to improve productivity in cities, it is necessary to understand and eliminate the barriers to making the most of agglomeration economies in Colombia. Urban policies could be seminal in this regard as long commuting, affordable housing shortages, low physical and digital connectivity and fragmented spatial and land use planning are part of the problem.

To increase productivity and empower agglomeration economies, the Mission of the System of Cities proposed: i) developing competitively agendas (strategies) based on local restrictions that hinder productivity such as transport infrastructure, high logistics costs, formal business and employment, workforce skills, etc.; ii) formulating “Doing Business Subnational” for urban agglomeration to assess the barriers that limit making business; and iii) the formulation of Contratos Plan for urban agglomerations to build a shared vision of the territory and make the most of regional assets.

The Mission of the System of Cities also recommended increasing the level of industrial clustering by: i) identifying productive activities on high productivity activities; ii) territorialising national strategies for productive development; iii) installing regional development agencies; and iii) promoting the regional appropriation of national development policies.

To improve labour mobility, the Mission of the System of Cities proposed: i) implementing specific training programmes in priority sectors for every agglomeration or region under a long-term approach; ii) promoting labour mobility through the flexibilisation of interregional labour mobility; and iii) producing and publishing employment information across the System of Cities.

Source: DNP (2014[4]), Misión Sistema de Ciudades: una política nacional para el sistema de ciudades colombiano con visión a largo plazo, https://osc.dnp.gov.co/administrator/components/com_publicaciones/uploads/Misin_Sistema_de_Ciudades.pdf (accessed on 4 August 2021).

This translates into lower GDP levels or the economic output of cities in comparison to the number of people. Low productivity suggests Colombian cities are not utilising their skills and competencies to their maximum potential. To address this situation, apart from improving land use planning and public transport and accessibility as stated above, Colombia needs to act on three other fronts: digitalisation, innovation and better investments while ensuring inclusiveness.

Leveraging digitalisation to foster inclusive urban development

Colombian cities need to ensure affordable Internet services to bridge the digital divide

Colombia has taken important steps towards digital transformation (OECD, 2019[56]). The number of people accessing the Internet in the country rises every year. At the end of March 2021, 8.05 million people had Internet access at home, compared to 6.08 million in March 2019 (MinTIC, 2021[57]). Figure 3.10 shows that in cities and metropolitan areas the adoption of ICT has been growing in general over the last two years. However, Colombia faces a double digital divide. First, while city dwellers have greater opportunities to access Internet, connectivity in rural areas still face challenges. Colombia’s difficult geography (huge mountains, rainforest and marshland), the fact that the country is sparsely populated in many areas and the lack of political interests in rural areas make it difficult to build infrastructure. As Figure 3.11 shows, people enjoy significantly different access to high-quality Internet, particularly broadband connections across Colombia. Compared to other OECD countries, Colombia has the lowest levels of coverage with only 17% of households having access to fibre optic connections in the capital region and less than 1% of households in the region of Vichada (OECD, 2020[58]). And second, Internet access in cities is not equitable as digital services are not affordable enough for the vast majority of the population. For example, in Bogotá, D.C., a 30 Mbit landline connection costs about USD 30 per month but, in small towns, the same amount only pays for 2 Mbit.22

Figure 3.10. Adoption of ICTs in Colombian cities, 2020 and 2021

For Colombia, as for any other country, the adoption of digital technologies and the spread of the Internet have been key in sustaining continuity in some economic sectors during the COVID-19 pandemic lockdowns. Examples include commercial transactions, financial services, communication services and education services. However, the digital divide is of great concern in Colombia and Latin America in general as it can further enhance inequalities. Only workers, students and residents with proper infrastructure, the means to pay for it and the right skills to use it are benefitting from the advantages of technology. During the COVID-19 crisis, digital technologies allowed part of the population to telework or study remotely. However, few in Colombia have the infrastructure, notably high-speed broadband Internet, and the skills to benefit fully from these technologies (OECD, 2019[56]). Such differences are deepening inequalities between regions and cities (OECD, 2019[56]). Colombia has a combination of high inequalities and a poor capacity to generate and incorporate technologies into its productive structure (OECD et al., 2020[60]). This certainly has a negative effect on cities’ productivity levels and the creation of high-quality, high-wage jobs.

Figure 3.11. Differences across regions in access to high-quality Internet in 2020, large regions (TL2)

The government’s Last Mile Plan aims to connect 500 000 low-income households to the Internet. The programme provides a subsidy for Internet connection that varies depending on the households’ income level. This goal represents 150% of what has been achieved in the last eight years regarding Internet connections. According to the Ministry of Information and Communications Technology (MinTIC), 98% of households in the high-income group have access to the Internet, while only 50% of medium- and low-income households (86% of the population) are receiving the service.23 Until 2020, over 260 000 low-income households in 184 municipalities were connected as part of the Last Mile Plan. The national government also plans to finance infrastructure deployment in municipalities without market development which could help bridge the gap between urban and rural areas.

The national government is also promoting access to digital services through the Digital Zones initiative. It plans to install 2 390 digital zones in rural and urban areas, so that low- and medium-income households have free access to the Internet through smartphones or portable computers, 7 days a week, 24 hours a day for rural communities and 1 hour for urban areas.24

A national smart city framework is needed

While the digital transformation is still at an early stage in Colombia, it can still underpin efforts to build more competitive, sustainable and inclusive cities in the aftermath of the COVID-19 crisis. For this purpose, Colombia may wish to develop a national framework for smart cities supported by the work of the Ministry of Information and Communication Technologies (MinTIC) on the “general guidelines for the adoption and implementation of smart cities and territories strategies in the framework of the Digital Government Policy” (MinTIC, 2022[61]) that are currently under discussion.25

The experience of OECD countries suggests that although cities and private sector stakeholders play an important role in building smart cities, the national government should play an enabling role to support innovative solution delivery, capacity building and upscaling and this can be done through a national smart city framework (OECD, 2020[62]). The aim is to leverage the potential of digital technologies to boost innovation for residents’ well-being and enhance inclusive growth. It could also enable cities to deliver more efficient and affordable services such as smart parking systems and smart contracts (OECD, 2020[45]). The experience of OECD and G20 countries suggests that a smart city policy framework could provide Colombia with the opportunity to examine to what extent new (digital) technologies can improve, and are improving, the efficiency, sustainability and quality of public services and infrastructure projects (ITF/OECD, 2020[63]). It can also help the national and subnational governments use data to provide more citizen-focused services and stimulate innovation. OECD research suggests that smart city policies need to be designed, implemented and monitored as a tool to improve well-being and bridge social inclusion challenges (OECD, 2020[62]). In Latin America, for example, Argentina and Brazil are developing smart city strategies to foster inclusion and sustainability in urban development (Box 3.13).

Box 3.13. National Smart City Strategies in Argentina and Brazil

Argentina is working on the development of its National Smart Cities Strategy. It will set the goals and objectives on smart cities to contribute to addressing, through the use of ICT, the main socio-economic challenges of the country. The strategy is expected to make an explicit reference to equity and inclusiveness objectives to improve public services for the whole community, access to information for all, reduce the digital gap in the society and create an optimal environment for individual and business development. Gender equality will also have a predominant role, given that it is a top priority for Argentina’s national government. The strategy will be led by the Under-Secretariat of Open Government and Digital Nation within the Chief of Cabinet’s Office. However, the Ministries of Transport and Mobility, Environment, Education, Security and Health, among others are also co-participants in the design and implementation of the strategy.

In 2019, Brazil launched the National Programme on Strategies for Sustainable Smart Cities that sets goals and indicators to transform Brazilian cities into smart cities. It involves the use of (digital) technological infrastructure, innovation and communication to promote welfare. The programme began with the creation of the National Chamber of Smart Cities integrated by the Ministries of Science and Technology, and Regional Development among others. This is a long-term programme that aims to bridge digital gaps and make cities more efficient and productive. The programme is part of the national government’s Digital Transformation Strategy that guides governments’ actions to enable the digital transformation of the economy’s productive sectors.

Source: For Argentina: ITF/OECD (2020[63]), Leveraging Digital Technology and Data for Human-centric Smart Cities: The Case of Smart Mobility, https://www.itf-oecd.org/sites/default/files/docs/data-human-centric-cities-mobility-g20.pdf (accessed on 29 July 2020); Government of Argentina (2019[64]), Estrategia Argentina de Ciudades Inteligentes, https://www.argentina.gob.ar/sites/default/files/estrategia_argentina_de_ciudades_inteligentes.pdf; for Brazil: Agência Brasil (2019[65]), “Brazil launches initiative on sustainable smart cities”, https://agenciabrasil.ebc.com.br/en/geral/noticia/2019-07/brazil-launches-initiative-sustainable-smart-cities; MCTIC (2018[66]), Brazilian Digital Transformation Strategy, E-Digital, http://otd.cpqd.com.br/otd/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/180629-E-Digital-English.pdf.

The experience of OECD countries suggests that implicitly or explicitly, national smart city frameworks are expected to enhance equity and inclusiveness objectives. Smart city plans pursue goals that have a direct impact on citizens’ lives such as safety, environmental care, welfare and accessibility. For example, the smart city strategies of Canada and Italy aim at meeting all citizens’ needs while encouraging innovation in cities (Box 3.14).

A national smart city framework could also guide the adoption of smart city initiatives at the local level. The framework should include a vision for cities and a plan to maximise their potential through the use of technologies. The framework may also incorporate a diagnostic on the challenges and opportunities of cities and how government action could promote investment and growth. The national smart city framework should target cities of all sizes rather than just capital cities or the larger metropolitan areas. However, in a first phase, a group of cities could be chosen to test the framework, as the adoption of a smart cities approach should be gradual and requires experimentation.

The national smart city framework may be an explicit smart city policy on its own or an implicit objective immersed in a broader NUP. It may also be an input for broader national strategic plans or development programmes. For instance, in the US, the smart cities and communities’ effort contributes to the US Digital Economy strategy. In China, the Guidance on Promoting Healthy Smart City Development is a contribution to the National Plan on New Urbanisation 2014-2020.

Box 3.14. Fostering innovation and inclusive development through smart city strategies in selected OECD countries

Canada’s Smart Cities Community Support Program supports not-for-profit organisations to provide advisory and capacity-building services directly to communities of all sizes across the country, as they explore and implement smart city approaches that aim to improve the lives of residents and develop specific capacity-building services for Indigenous communities.

In 2019, Italy announced a National Digital Growth and Innovation Plan. It includes 20 actions to address digitalisation, technical innovation and ethical and sustainable development. The plan proposes enabling digitalisation of public services and the private sector by launching a single application for all government services called IO. To promote local innovation, the plan seeks to strengthen innovation through digital infrastructure, the right to innovate for start-ups, as well as the development of artificial intelligence (AI) solutions, hubs and ecosystems. To promote inclusive and ethical development, the Italian government plans to create a training hub to solve the digital divide and a lab called Ai Ethical Lab-EI to establish principles for ethical use of AI.

The US Smart City effort focuses on projects that make communities of all types and in all regions safer, more secure, liveable and workable for their residents. These projects are expected to simultaneously improve economic growth, generate job opportunities and enhance workforce development for upskilling and reskilling. Explicit goals of the strategy include: expanding job opportunities for economically disadvantaged communities; providing accessibility for disabled residents, including transportation and services innovations; and expanding technology access in regions without broadband connectivity.

Source: ITF/OECD (2020[63]), Leveraging Digital Technology and Data for Human-centric Smart Cities: The Case of Smart Mobility, https://www.itf-oecd.org/sites/default/files/docs/data-human-centric-cities-mobility-g20.pdf (accessed on 29 July 2020); for Italy: AcceleratingBiz (2019[67]), “Italy announced plan for country's digital growth by 2025, through digitization of services, supporting innovation, as well as inclusive development”, https://acceleratingbiz.com/briefing/italy-announced-plan-for-countrys-digital-growth-by-2025-through-digitization-of-services-supporting-innovation-as-well-as-inclusive-development/; for the US: Smart Cities Council (n.d.[68]), Smart Cities Policy Task Force, https://www.smartcitiescouncil.com/ .

A Colombian smart city framework should be based on international experience

If Colombian authorities wish to move ahead in building smart cities, there are at least four critical points to consider.

First, according to the experience of the UK, what makes a city smart is not technology per se, but rather how technology is used as part of a wider approach aimed at making the city work more effectively (BSI, 2015[69]). The use of technologies per se will not automatically strengthen local economies, foster inclusion or improve the quality of urbanisation. This will be defined by how Colombian cities use technologies.
Second, digital technologies by themselves will not translate automatically into benefits for everyone. It is therefore critical to measure the performance of smart cities to identify cost-effective solutions to deliver public services, improve government’s accountability with regards to citizens and track progress and impact (OECD, 2021[70]).
Third, Germany’s experience shows that cities must not only use (digital) technologies but also design and manage them in a way that allows them to achieve their own particular objectives (German Government, 2019[71]). Digital transformation is not an end in itself, thus Colombian municipalities should use digital technologies to make their development socially compatible, equitable and energy- and resource-efficient. Germany’s experience suggests that digital transformation requires cities to be open to new technologies and aware of their broader value to achieve long-term objectives. For that purpose, the national government issued a Smart City Charter to guide the digital transformation in cities (Box 3.15).
Fourth, building smart cities requires putting people at the centre of the strategy by co-constructing policies with citizens throughout the policy cycle (OECD, 2020[62]). Policy makers at all levels of government must be explicit about applying an inclusion lens to the smart city projects.

Box 3.15. Germany’s guidelines for digital transformation in local governments

The German government has issued guidelines to ensure that the digital transformation – the transition to smart cities – is sustainable. The guidelines aim to ensure that digital technologies are used for pursuing goals of sustainable development. According to the German Smart City Charter, the digital transformation requires:

1. Goals, strategies and structures

Integrating digital transformation into urban development and in the implementation of urban SDGs.
Identifying fields of application, examining the impacts of interconnectedness and developing strategies.
Adapting organisational structures in municipalities.

2. Transparency, participation and co-creation

Strengthening transparency and democracy, strengthening evidence-based policies.
Ensuring digital participation, integration and inclusion.
Promoting co-creation to design and deploy digital technologies as target-oriented as possible.

3. Infrastructures, data and services

Creating and securing access to digital infrastructures such as high-performing broadband Internet.
Generating data responsibly while maintaining data integrity. Access to relevant and timely data is key.
Ensuring the long-term viability of networked infrastructures and local services for what technologies are reversible and backward compatible (i.e. with older devices) is paramount.

4. Resources, skills and co‑operation

Providing the necessary human and financial resources to local administrations and municipal corporations as well as legal regulations.
Developing digital skills and promoting lifelong learning through appropriate educational opportunities as well as intergenerational and interdisciplinary learning.
Expanding co-operation with business and research, creating innovative spaces and strengthening local knowledge and value creation.

Source: German Government (2019[71]), Smart Cities: Urban Development in the Digital Age, https://www.bmi.bund.de/EN/topics/building-housing/city-housing/national-urban-development/smart-cities-en/smart-cities-en-artikel.html.

A key lesson from OECD countries is that if smart city policies or strategies are to promote equality and inclusiveness, cities should not be treated in a homogeneous way. Moreover, ensuring that people of all ages and backgrounds develop digital skills and literacy to be able to access and profit from technological developments is a key step in promoting inclusiveness through smart city policies. Initiatives such as Ciudadanía Digital26 (Digital Citizenship), which seeks to develop and certify citizens’ digital skills free of charge, should continue as they can contribute to bridge the digital skill gap and contribute to enhancing cities’ labour markets. A case in point for Colombia is the city of Bilbao in Spain, which seeks to reinvent itself as an inclusive city taking advantage of the opportunities brought about by digitalisation (Box 3.16). Bilbao’s experience shows that a smart city is not just about the use of new (digital) technology but rather how this technology is used and for what purpose, which in this case was to reduce and prevent social exclusion of vulnerable social groups. To increase the probabilities of success of a smart city transition, national and subnational governments need to give priority to a policy of values, solidarity and human growth.

As Colombian cities work to leverage the use of new (digital) technologies for service delivery, it is critical they also start using technology to foster their innovation potential to boost productivity and inclusive and sustainable growth. Digital technologies can certainly be used to empower the competitiveness of local enterprises but city governments could use them to innovate themselves. Innovation can come in different forms, for example through new approaches to service delivery, the implementation of local development plans and programmes, streamlining services, managing capacity of the local public administration (human, financial and technological), data gathering for decision making and engaging with citizens.

Box 3.16. Developing digital skills of groups at risk of exclusion in Bilbao, Spain

Currently, the city of Bilbao is striving to revamp its economic competitiveness, attracting a talented young population and improving the quality of life in the city. One key problem is that some neighbourhoods present deficits in social cohesion that may lead to urban and social polarisation if not properly managed. For that purpose, Bilbao city council promotes an inclusive growth model that encourages innovation, creativity and talent development, shifting from being an industry-focused to a knowledge-based city. Authorities seek to improve the capacities and digital resources of the society, particularly for groups at risk of exclusion such as the elderly, women and people with disabilities. In Bilbao, 79.8% of the population over 15 years old were Internet users in 2019, which represents a 2.7% increase from 2018; however, there is still a digital gap of 6.7 percentage points between men (83.4%) and women (76.7%). Digital literacy, i.e. the skills to understand and benefit from the new technologies, is particularly lacking among the elderly and women. This could exacerbate poverty and social exclusion, preventing people from seizing the advantages of digitalisation.

Initiatives to support lifelong learning and the acquisition of new skills for adults are central in Bilbao’s efforts to increase the digital outreach. The Basque Country regional government, with the support of the city of Bilbao, has implemented some initiatives to foster lifelong learning. For example, the Basque employment service Lanbide and the digital portal for lifelong learning Hiru offer access to training courses and publish different educational materials. It has also developed a digital network of centres for the continuous improvement of citizens’ digital skills. The KZGunea centres offer an extensive catalogue of free courses and services related to the use of new ICT such as the NagusiWeb, which is a programme focused on training the elderly. Moreover, as part of the recovery plan from the COVID‑19 pandemic, Bilbao’s government offers digital training services, innovation and competitive improvement for commerce, micro enterprises, small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and self-employed people.

Through these initiatives, regional and local authorities expect to:

Prevent the elderly from being excluded of the benefits of the digital society and help them access services that contribute to their well-being such as healthcare.
Promote the use of ICT and smart solutions among residents as well as in the planning and management of public services.
Encourage entrepreneurship and strengthen SMEs to create jobs and retain talent.

Source: Observatorio Bilbao (2020[72]), Bilbao 2020 Anuario Socioeconómico, https://www.bilbao.eus/cs/Satellite?c=Page&cid=1272993174224&language=es&pageid=1272993174224.

Enhancing cities’ innovation capacity

Promote productivity through a broad-based approach to innovation in cities

Colombia has a strong imperative in improving productivity and reducing inequality in cities. Innovation can help Colombia in these tasks. COVID-19 opens a window of opportunity for improving innovation capacity through the recovery strategy. In Colombia, innovation is concentrated in the larger metropolitan areas with more resources to invest in innovation, Bogotá, D.C. and Medellín for example (Figure 3.12). Those cities can attract top talent from other cities as well as financial resources for innovation. Small- and medium-sized cities, which account for the majority of cities, face generally more barriers to innovation due to insufficient capacity and capability. They face difficulties in attracting skilled human capital, new technologies and technological expertise, and financial resources. They also have connectivity constraints and weak absorptive capacities of individuals and firms located in their territory (Planes-Satorra and Paunov, 2017[73]). These disparities in innovation across cities affect well-being and have a negative impact on the economy of the cities and Colombia’s general economic performance. These differences are contributing to increasing the gap in productivity performance between the larger cities (metropolitan region and areas) and lagging regions, which are more rural or small urban centres isolated due to geographical conditions, and the lack of communication infrastructure.

In Colombia, like in many other OECD countries, spatial segregation represents an additional challenge for social inclusion and innovation. The concentration of lower incomes, lower skills and education levels combined with the stigmatisation of the place of residence (i.e. informal settlements or districts with high levels of insecurity, see Box 3.21), makes it more difficult for residents in those areas to access good quality jobs, benefit from the digital area and move up the labour market ladder.

Figure 3.12. Ranking of innovation in Colombian cities, 2020 and 2021

Promoting a strategic approach to innovation

In Colombia, like cities across the world, cities are reinventing themselves and their systems to adapt and respond to their evolving contexts, now even more due to the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. Colombian municipalities need to develop policies, programmes and services to address changes in demographic, cultural, social, economic and environmental needs. They need to promote experimentation and flexibility taking into account the social needs of citizens.

A key step in this direction would be for Colombian cities to formulate a formal innovation strategy with a clear political message on the importance of innovation and how it will be promoted. OECD research has found that “[a] dedicated strategy encourages cities to stimulate their long-term capacity to innovate by publicly stating those goals so that the city can be held accountable to achieving them” (OECD, 2019, p. 11[74]). A formal innovation strategy is a key document that highlights the city’s priorities and objectives on pursuing innovation and the way to achieve them. It also provides a long-term approach or vision to innovation. In many cases, the strategy is the product of collaboration among city administration, community leaders, academia, private sector representatives and residents. Its main advantage would be to encourage and justify cities’ efforts to stimulate their long-term capacity to innovate in a strategic manner. Box 3.17 presents some examples of cities that have adopted a formal innovation strategy and that could be of inspiration to Colombian cities.

Box 3.17. Cities innovation strategy, the cases of Kansas and Stockholm

Kansas City, KS (US) convened leaders from agencies and departments across the administration, resident and neighbourhood associations, and civic leaders to develop an innovation strategy resulting from an evaluation of where the city was falling short with service delivery. Kansas City’s innovation strategy focuses on operational efficiency, customer experience and citizen engagement.
Stockholm’s (Sweden) innovation strategy (adopted by the Stockholm City Council in November 2015) provides an inward-looking perspective where innovation plays an important role in the improvement of city operations. It also provides an external perspective as it gives weight to the need to contribute to the overall development of the Stockholm region’s innovation capacity and work.

Source: OECD (2019[74]), Enhancing Innovation Capacity in City Government, https://dx.doi.org/10.1787/f10c96e5-en.

Other actions that Colombian cities could consider to promote innovation to foster inclusiveness and productivity are the following:

Adopt a broad-based approach to unlock regions’ and cities’ innovation potential. OECD research suggests that a broad-based approach to innovation that acknowledges that different places have different needs to fully unlock their potential can help to boost the innovation capacity of regions and cities (OECD, 2020[75]). To this end, policies and strategies to promote innovation need to consider and adapt to local assets engaging local actors as they create, share and distribute knowledge. To ensure continued improvement, the regional innovation system needs to be suitably adaptive. Colombia could also promote knowledge sharing networks to disseminate practices that worked in other places, the aim is to make evaluation and learning part of the innovation system. For example, Colombia’s national urban forum, which has been seminal to share good practices and experience, could have regional meetings where stakeholders from different sectors could gather to discuss more in-depth regional challenges and possible solutions. The Observatory of the System of Cities should have an active role in these discussions. Moreover, mapping and foresight exercises can help learn about the strengths and weaknesses of the regional innovation system. Moreover, cities and regions in Colombia could establish links or mechanisms by which actors from different domains can engage regularly, build trust and a common vision of the area where they live and work.
Strengthen the role of digital technologies to promote innovation in cities. To foster innovation capacity, cities need to invest in access to technological developments. Cities could make use of new technologies to allocate resources more effectively, improve infrastructure resilience and incentivise the development of a knowledge-based economy. Cities could also invest in new data storage and analytic infrastructure, develop big data strategies and launch open data platforms (OECD, 2019[74]). The Internet and ICT could certainly support local business innovation by increasing efficiency and serving as a platform for innovation that leads to productivity growth. To that end, cities could adopt policies and programmes to expand the use of the Internet and digital technologies by micro enterprises and SMEs, and their skills, to increase their efficiency and innovation potential.
Reinforce and give continuity to the initiatives to develop ICT skills. Colombia’s programmes such as Ciudadanía Digital could be broadened to focus on the skill spectrum (on-the-job training, vocational training and higher education) as they are indispensable for the creation of new jobs, injecting dynamism to the labour market, and providing the needed trained workforce to companies. Local universities, research centres and enterprises should be part of these efforts.
Provide financial support to projects that use science, technology and innovative solutions to tackle local challenges (Planes-Satorra and Paunov, 2017[73]). For example, Chile’s Prototype for Social Innovation programme (CORFO) provides financial support to local social innovations that lead to the development of new and better social practices. Innovative solutions must address a specific social challenge, have the potential of having a high social impact and be potentially replicable.27 Colombia could expand its Ideas for Change (Ideas para el Cambio) programme to promote innovation in cities. The programme currently allows vulnerable communities to identify specific needs and challenges with the support of researchers, academics and firms and proposes specific solutions to address those problems. The national government provides grants to implement the chosen solution.28 This programme could be expanded to support start-ups and SMEs in small- and medium-sized cities that provide solutions to local needs in a sustainable manner and contribute to the local economy.
Support the development of tailored-made plans to support research and innovation in (lagging) cities. One example for Colombia is the US Experimental Program to Stimulate Competitive Research (EPSCOR). It aims to ensure that all states are capable of participating in research. The programme started in 1979 and, since then, it has been working to reinforce national research capabilities, promoting an equitable distribution of research funding, and integrating its efforts with other similar initiatives.29

Fostering productivity through better public investment

Colombia requires a more strategic and regional approach to investment

Earlier OECD work concluded that if Colombia is to improve productivity, cities and national government need to engage in more and better public investment to respond to huge infrastructure gaps and territorial disparities (OECD, 2016[6]; Olaberría, 2017[55]). This requires articulating different investment priorities into coherent territorial strategies. Instead of focusing on individual investment projects, Colombia should move to a more strategic and regional approach to investment, through articulated programmes. According to the Cities Competitive Index 2021 of Colombia, infrastructure gaps (e.g. drinking water installations, sanitation, transport) pose major obstacles for cities to improve their competitiveness levels. From a maximum of ten points, the cities of Bogotá, D.C. and Medellín metropolitan area are the best performers but do not even reach seven points, and many others have scored lower points in 2021 than in the previous year (Figure 3.13). The OECD already noted that for Colombia to sustain public investment to improve infrastructure investment and in turn productivity, it needs to reinforce its governance framework: better horizontal co-ordination and sound sources of revenue to finance investment (OECD, 2016[6]). Box 3.18 summarises the main recommendations formulated to Colombia, which are still valid today, on how to improve public investment. They highlight the need for greater links between planning and budgeting, incentives to support horizontal co-operation across jurisdictions, in particular to strengthen functional urban areas, which are relatively small in Colombia.

Box 3.18. Making the most of public investment in Colombia

The 2016 OECD study on public investment in Colombia provided a diagnosis of the strengths and challenges of the Colombian investment system and provided recommendations on how this can be further improved. Some of the main recommendations of the study are:

Enhancing subnational revenues to finance investment: This requires more flexibility in the transfer system to re-allocate unspent funds, enhance the capacity of subnational governments (departments and municipalities) to raise own-source revenues, expand the use of borrowing by subnational governments and reinforce equalisation mechanisms.
Achieve more strategic investment prioritisation and co-ordination: To this end, Colombia requires: using local development plans as strategic planning tools and linking them to budgeting and implementation; supporting subnational governments in the preparation of integrated investment programmes and projects; and providing financial incentives to support horizontal associations across municipalities and departments.
Strengthen subnational capacities for effective public investment: For this purpose, Colombia should: reinforce the capabilities of public officials involved in public investment; support asymmetric decentralisation; put more emphasis on the design and selection of projects; adopt a systemic approach to capacity building for public investment; and improve data management.

Source: OECD (2016[6]), Making the Most of Public Investment in Colombia: Working Effectively across Levels of Government, https://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264265288-en.

Figure 3.13. Infrastructure gaps in Colombian cities, 2020 and 2021

Addressing urban inequality

Colombia is one of the most unequal countries in Latin America.30 Years of civil unrest, violence and insecurity have also affected quality of life and economic activity. The COVID-19 crisis exposed and exacerbated inequality across people and places in particular large cities where the most vulnerable groups such as migrants, the poor, women and the elderly were and are still being hit hard (OECD, 2020[45]). One example of this inequality is the proliferation of illegal or informal settlements due to the lack of land for affordable housing and the difficulties of benefitting from housing programmes when workers lack stable jobs. Reducing inequality in cities has been a top priority for Colombian national and subnational authorities. Over the last two decades, Colombia had made progress in bridging the inequality gap (see Chapter 1). The Mission of the System of Cities had made specific recommendations to improve quality of life such as: strengthening and differentiating social policies according to the demographic characteristics of cities; reinforcing cities’ capacity to intervene in infrastructure projects (i.e. roads and public services) and social housing; and identifying cities amenities (i.e. cultural assets, parks, libraries) to contribute to well-being (DNP, 2014[4]). Those recommendations should continue to be taken into account in the formulation of a new national urban policy. However, more needs to be done to ensure an equitable urban society. Colombia needs to lay the foundations for a new social contract through urban development. Its urban development model so far has not been able to address the problems of urban poverty and social exclusion that are endemic in many cities across the country. The rise of social discontent and the growing aspirations for better quality public services and greater well-being and quality of life in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic require a new social contract between citizens and the government in Colombia. The pandemic may have furthered deepened social discontent but it also creates an opportunity for consensus building among citizens around the importance of ensuring that all residents exercise their right to the city.31 This means enhancing a human rights perspective in the planning and management of cities, ensuring equal access to opportunities (services, jobs, goods, etc.). It requires a renewed urban development model that minimises socio-spatial segregation and promotes equity, inclusion, political participation and well-being. COVID-19 may be the triggering force to push through reforms in urban development that would take much longer otherwise.

According to the OECD Principles on Urban Policy, to promote inclusive cities that provide opportunities for all it is necessary to: i) improve access for all urban residents regardless of gender, age, ethnic background, to drivers of social inclusion such as public services, affordable quality housing, transport, education, health, employment, cultural amenities, leisure and safe public spaces; ii) support inclusive growth policies that help cities cope with demographic change and foster social cohesion at all urban scales; and iii) promote urban identity and culture and a quality living environment for all neighbourhoods, in particular those most degraded (OECD, 2019[40]). To put these points into practice, Colombia could consider, in addition to the recommendations of the Mission of the System of Cities, working on improving the public space due to its social value, regularising informal settlements to tackle a tangible example of poverty and exclusion, and improving security that affects living standards and economic development.

Improve the provision and management of public space

The 1991 Constitution indicates that municipalities must give priority to the planning, construction, maintenance and protection of public space over other land uses. According to Decree 1077 of 2015 (MinVivienda, 2015[10]), public space is understood as all spaces of permanent character consisting of green areas, parks, squares, pavements, streets, environmental reserves and sports venues are also public spaces. This lack of clarity complicates the actions that municipal authorities undertake to regulate and control the use of public space. In addition, many municipalities have difficulties enforcing the norms that regulate public space use. They also lack financial resources and, in many cases, political support to provide and improve public spaces as mayors’ policy proposals do not refer to the public space.

According to national regulation, every resident must have 15 m² of public space, following the recommendation of the World Health Organization (WHO).32 However, only the cities of Popayán, Santa Marta and Soacha comply with the national standard, while other cities like Barranquilla, Cali, Ibagué and Pereira only provide 4.3 m² of public space per capita (DNP, 2017[76]). Cities like Cartagena (8.14 m²) and Manizales (7.15 m²) have seen an increase in public space per inhabitant but they are still far from the national standard (Red Cómo Vamos, 2018[77]; 2019[78]). Public space regulation is generic for the entire country, whereas it should be adapted to the particular case of every city, acknowledging the differences between the existing city and newly built areas. The reason for the need for locally differentiated regulation is that the distribution of public space is very heterogeneous. For example, in Manizales, residents in the communes of Cerro de Oro (27%), Tesorito (24%) and Atardeceres (19%) have access to more public space than those of central communes such as Cumanday, La Estación, La Macarena and San José (2%) (Red Cómo Vamos, 2019[78]). Central consolidated areas tend to have less public space than new ones. Without this consideration, it will be very difficult for the government to achieve the WHO standard of 15 m² and Colombian experts consider that the maximum public space per person that can be achieved will be 6 m².

Public space is used for multiple activities but some of them constitute law infringements, such as informal trade in the streets, parks and public squares. In some cases, there is an unlawful appropriation of public space when, for example, residents begin to close access to public areas such as parks, controlling access to those areas themselves.

The quality of public space also requires improvements in Colombian cities, including in terms of access to green areas. Manizales has the highest number of trees (51.8) per person, whereas Santa Marta has the lowest (6.2). Security in the urban public space also needs to be improved, as most violence takes place there. In Cartagena, for example, 69% of homicides have occurred in the public space (1 844 cases) (Red Cómo Vamos, 2018[77]).

Improving public space in Colombian cities is central to well-being. As the COVID-19 pandemic has shown, public space is the extension of a person’s house, mostly for those living in small housing units. To this end, Colombia may wish to consider the following aspects:

Clarify the definition of public space in legislation. It would facilitate the intervention and investment of local authorities. A new definition could include: all open spaces that generally serve the function of recreation and sport (i.e. parks, gardens, corridor links, amenity spaces, civic squares, etc.); public facilities (i.e. libraries, community centres, municipal markets, public sports facilities); and streets (i.e. sidewalks, avenues, boulevards, pavements, bicycle paths, etc.). Legislation could support the creation of multifunctional urban spaces, avoiding streets being used only for motor vehicles.
Include qualitative aspects in the norms and policies rather than purely quantitative ones such as square metres per person. Cities’ strategies must improve and manage public space take into account the particularities of every neighbourhood. For example, the street fulfils different functions in different zones of the city: in central areas, it is used for walking, trading, socialising, whereas in other parts it is just a commuting space. Moreover, a city-wide public space strategy has to cater for a diversity of uses and preferences of the same space. For example, in some cities, informal vendors will try to make a living despite their inability to afford commercial rents, while others may oppose such activities for legal, aesthetic or economically competitive reasons. This is another reason why a purely quantitative focus is not enough in a public space strategy. A citywide public space strategy should integrate political, economic, social and cultural elements.
Ensure political commitment and adequate financing for public space provision and improvement. Cities require a political champion to ensure that public space strategies are given the necessary priority. A strong endorsement from political candidates and mayors would be seminal in ensuring action. However, mayors’ leadership may not be enough: a public space champion should come from within the community (either from the private sector or non-governmental organisations) and will be instrumental in lobbying for public space improvement. Political and community support should ensure that any public space strategy is backed by adequate financial resources. Municipalities may require expanding their sources of funding for public space management, for example fees from using the public space for commercial activities, publicity and others. Building partnerships with the private sector would also be a way to obtain additional resources.
Ensure there is an economic use of public space. This would ensure that local authorities have access to sources of financing for providing and maintaining public space, but also giving more order to its use. It would also reassure individuals who want to make use of public space for lucrative activities as it would require a contract with the municipality. In this respect, Bogotá, D.C.’s Handbook on the Economic Use of the Public Space could be an example to be followed by other Colombian cities on how to regulate the use of public space.33
Connect public space strategies with public transport to make the most of existing infrastructure. Places must be connected to facilitate the flows of people between them, encourage walking, generate street life and efficiently move goods and services. POTs, partial POTs and mobility plans should consider streets and public transport stations as active and important components of the public space rather than only as parts of the transport system.
Engage a broad range of stakeholders in the preparation and implementation of a public space strategy. Participatory planning is critical for creating ownership and sustainability of a public space strategy over time. The process should involve the whole community and combine expert-based and local knowledge. This could be achieved via workshops, surveys, interviews, focus groups, etc. (see Chapter 5). Restrictions to use public space during the COVID-19 lockdown may have raised awareness among citizens about its importance. The re-evaluation of public space through participatory means and citizen activism would allow influencing local governments so that urban agendas with sustainability approaches have a much faster implementation. It would also help prioritise ideas about “walkability” and accessibility and inclusion, starting with the recovery of pavements and pedestrian paths.34

Upgrade informal settlements

Colombia’s disorderly urbanisation process, lack of housing at affordable prices, insufficient resources for infrastructure and scarcity of serviced land, have led to a situation in which low-income households settle in inadequate and informal places that lack basic amenities and live in low-quality dwellings in overcrowded conditions. Rapid urban growth has outpaced the ability of Colombian city authorities to provide housing and basic infrastructure in most metropolitan areas. Indeed, access to basic public services and infrastructure for transport is limited. The lack of affordable accessible housing and land for development within consolidated urban areas has led to irregular settlements, generally in high-risk areas, with problems of insecurity. According to the MVCT, more than half of cities’ growth in the last three decades has been due to informal settlements, mostly in small- (less than 30 000 inhabitants) and medium-sized (between 100 000 and 30 000 inhabitants) cities. The lack of capacity of local authorities to control irregular settlements as well as the lack of co-ordination among different authorities in charge of economic development, urban planning and land allocation have been part of the problem.

Addressing urban inequality through proper management of the urbanisation process may contribute to reducing poverty levels and boosting economic growth in cities and regions. This requires addressing the factors that have led to the creation of informal or illegal settlements around cities and formalising and improving the living conditions in those that existed already. Research suggests that a key challenge is the lack of policy attention and control of illegal occupation with sufficient resources and administrative co‑ordination to prevent future illegal settlements and deal with the existing ones (Cuéllar Melo, 2018[79]). In addition, residents in illegal settlements tend to resist their relocation to legalised areas or the legalisation of their space where they live, due to the costs this may imply. Being reallocated could mean reduction of subsidies and having to invest in the city via taxes rather than in home improvements and family support. There is also a concern regarding regularising informal settlements as it could be an incentive for their continuous proliferation. However, not regularising informal settlements in locations that do not pose any risk to residents (i.e. settlements located near river banks or areas with unstable terrain) could just perpetuate the problem of inequality. When illegal settlements are in high-risk areas, then local authorities could certainly prioritise reallocation. A phenomenon that occurs in several Colombian cities is that when public services are provided (e.g. water, electricity) even when the homes are informal, this eventually leads to the legalisation of the settlements and property. However, this seems an ad hoc approach and it may take years before legalisation is ensured and a more formal process is required.

Building inclusive cities requires working with three factors: urban, social and economic (Córdoba Hernández and Pérez García-Burgos, 2020[80]). Urban inclusion is achieved by rescuing or recuperating urban spaces for the communities in a situation of vulnerability and exclusion and allowing them access to basic health, environmental education and cultural services. Social inclusion aims at ensuring people in situations of vulnerability and exclusion take part in the life of the community. Economic inclusion is achieved through real and sustainable access and use of economic opportunities allowing residents to improve their human development.35 In this sense, Colombia could support local governments to territorialise national policies and programmes aimed at bridging the gaps in access to infrastructure, services and community life in deprived urban areas. Colombia should continue with the process of regularising homeownership and providing assistance to vulnerable and low-income households to improve low-quality dwellings according to residents’ own needs. Home improvement programmes should provide subsidies to vulnerable households so that they can improve their dwellings rather than being reallocated unless they are in areas of high risk (see Chapter 4). A key aspect would be to engage the community in the use of the local space, ensuring that the urban space is public and owned by people. Those policies and programmes should focus on promoting local identity and a quality living environment. Governments take advantage of the fact that residents in illegal settlements tend to form cohesive communities in most cases. Hence, any policy and programme aimed at the formalisation of informal settlements should not only focus on the construction or improvement of housing but also the neighbourhood (barrios or villas) through a process known as the social production of habitat (see Chapter 4). It requires that local authorities involve residents in the process of community improvement. Residents should be made aware of their role as stakeholders by incentivising and facilitating their participation in the planning of their communities and being part of the implementation; otherwise, they may resist any intervention programme. Technical and financial assistance could be provided by national, regional or local development agencies. Interventions do not necessarily have to be on a large scale; small interventions could also be considered as part of an urban regeneration strategy.

In this respect, Colombia may draw inspiration from the experience of some OECD countries that are conducting processes of formalisation of informal settlements. For example, the US experience shows that improving housing standards and conducting urban regeneration is essential to work together with local residents and minimise disruption (Box 3.19). The experience of Greece suggests that any formalisation initiative should not be seen as an opportunity to impose unnecessary expenses on informal settlers (Box 3.20). If Colombia decides to impose fees and penalties for legalisation, they should be kept affordable in terms of time and money. Like Greece, Colombia may wish to enact a formalisation law and ensure that it protects the environment, encourages secure tenure and promotes economic growth. Moreover, if Colombia wishes the estate market to contribute to the formalisation process, formalisation procedures should not be overly strict and expensive.

Box 3.19. Urban policy should minimise disruption and treat citizens fairly – The US experience

After World War II, the US had a problem with low-quality housing in cities. To improve substandard housing in urban areas, US authorities adopted the Urban Renewal programme, which involved taking large spaces of land and turning the land over to private sector developers to redevelop. This policy frequently involved removing residents and businesses to clear land with compensation going mainly to landowners, excluding renter households and businesses, with no established right to return.

Related to urban renewal, the US also engaged in the development of large-scale public housing projects for low-income households living in blighted neighbourhoods. Those neighbourhoods were redeveloped with high rises, which were not the best place for households’ quality of life.

Similarly, in the 1950s, the US government started investing in the Interstate Highway System, which prioritised moving cars into and out of the central business district. However, this implied dividing or displacing low-income and minority neighbourhoods.

To fix these problems, the US government adopted the Uniform Relocation and Real Property Acquisition Act. This is a federal law that sets minimum standards for federally funded programmes and projects that require the acquisition of real property. It provides protection and assistance for people affected by federally funded projects. People whose real property is acquired, or who move as a result of projects receiving federal funds, are entitled to compensation for and assistance in moving from the property they occupy. Because of this act, when the government undertakes large neighbourhood redevelopment projects to build better housing, residents are supported in their relocation and ensured a right to return to the neighbourhood. In addition, current housing and urban development programmes are conducted with extensive citizen consultation to try to balance interests. Most recently, the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, passed in 2021, includes a programme to reconfigure or even remove interstate highways in cities to reconnect neighbourhoods that were divided in the past.

The policy lesson from the US experience in dealing with substandard housing, urban regeneration and transportation improvements is to minimise disruption for residents by understanding their needs in the scheme of urban redevelopment and supporting them either in the place where they live or with any moves that are absolutely necessary.

Source: Usowski, K. (2021[81]), “Integrated policies for urban development – Land use, housing, transport and environment: Lessons from the US experience for Colombia”, Presentation, 30 November 2021, US Department of Housing and Urban Development.

Box 3.20. Formalising illegal settlements in Greece

Greece has a long history of informal or unplanned settlements due to poverty, immigration, lack of affordable housing and inefficient land administration and planning. Poverty and social exclusion in Greece have been exacerbated by the economic crisis of the last decade (2009-18) and more recently the COVID-19 pandemic. Residents living in poverty, unemployed and marginalised groups experience social exclusion. The Roma population of Greece is estimated to be around 104 000 individuals residing in 354 settlements and neighbourhoods, generally suburban areas.

To address the situation of unplanned settlements the country has focused on educating land professionals and raising importance about state rather than market-based development, protecting public land, safeguarding the environment, preserving cultural heritage and taxing private real estate. Civil engineering standards have been updated several times since 1959 because of high-risk earthquakes. Due to a continuous provision of social services to the poor, there are very few slums, and the majority of informal buildings are safe and strong, built on legally owned land. However, national and local governments have not followed the trend of land privatisation despite the country being a member of the European Union (EU) since 1981. They have not encouraged private investment in land (except for areas covered by a detailed city plan) or developed standards for the protection of private property, especially against the appropriation of the land for public benefit.

Under Greek legislation, any forested land is considered the property of the state and any construction in parcels within forest areas is considered informal. Private small or medium investors suffer from a lack of cadastral, forest and other zoning maps. They often have to research a long series of deeds in the land registry to establish ownership rights before purchasing the land. This is time-consuming and costly for small and medium investors. Squatting on private land is possible. If a squatter uses the land for 10 years believing he/she is the owner, or for 20 years without the owners’ objection, then they may claim legal ownership but this is not valid if the owner is the state. Nowadays, in Greece, informal developments in urban and/or rural areas are the result of zoning, planning and building violations, or construction without permits and less from squatting. Most informal development consists of single-family houses in unplanned areas or illegal extensions in urban areas, built on legally owned parcels. Approximately one-fifth of constructions in the country are informal. Many informal neighbourhoods have been provided with basic services such as water piping and road-paving when local authorities implemented environmental improvements.

In Greece, spatial and urban planning is centrally driven, costly and bureaucratic although the relevant legislation is comprehensive but very complex. On average, planning studies take more than 15 years and cost more than EUR 6 000 per hectare. Although construction is allowed in unplanned areas, the building permit process involves more than 25 agencies (among them the forest and the archaeological services) and may take several years to be completed and in many cases requires court decisions.

In 2013, the Greek government issued a new formalisation law “on tackling informal development and environmental balance provisions”. This allows the possibility to deduct up to 50% of the costs for energy efficiency and stability improvements from the penalty of violating legislation. However, the total costs for both formalisation penalties and energy or stability improvements are high. Thus, formalisation under this law is unaffordable for low- and middle-income households, taking into consideration that annual property taxes will also be applied following formalisation. In 2013, the law was amended and it now includes measures for environmental recovery.

Source: UNECE (2015[82]), Formalizing the Informal: Challenges and Opportunities of Informal Settlements in South-East Europe, https://unece.org/sites/default/files/2020-11/Formalizing_the_Informal_Challenges_and_Opportunities_of_Informal_Settlements; OECD (2020[83]), Regional Policy for Greece Post-2020, https://dx.doi.org/10.1787/cedf09a5-en.

A policy or strategy to upgrade informal settlements should include the provision of basic services and affordable infrastructure, improvement of housing conditions and security of land occupancy rights (Freire, 2013[21]). In this sense, Colombia should adopt a policy package to lift the income of informal settlers and policies to improve the supply side of housing and land markets. Policies need to be proactive to avoid the emergence of more informal settlements; for this purpose, Colombian cities need to reinforce urban planning at the local and metropolitan levels to make land available to the poor at affordable prices and ensure the provision of housing, transport services and basic infrastructure at the fringes of cities. Upgrading strategies will have to be place-specific (Freire, 2013[21]).

Upgrading informal settlements will require access to financial resources, which are hard to estimate. Housing policies will require complementing low-income households’ purchasing power with a combination of upfront subsidies, microcredits and access to housing finance. The National Development Plan as well as national urban, infrastructure and housing policies should acknowledge the need for ensuring financing for upgrading informal settlements. They should make provisions for integrating finance for housing construction, infrastructure construction and livelihood improvement. Any strategy to upgrade informal settlements should include an income generation component to enable households to finance their own home improvement and ensure the sustainability of the provision of basic services (González Alcocer et al., 2010[22]). The MVCT should acknowledge that homeownership is not the solution to the problems of all informal settlers: provisions for the development of affordable rental housing, as suggested in Chapter 4, is an important component of financing informal settlements upgrading.

There are different alternatives to intervening in informal settlements but evictions and relocations must only be a last resort once all other alternatives have been explored and evacuation from areas and buildings that pose a threat to people’s lives must be given priority. The MVCT has a Neighbourhood Improvement and Settlement Legalisation Programme (Programa Integral de Barrios y Legalización de Asentamientos), which legalises human settlements in the urban context of a city without contemplating the property rights in favour of eventual owners. This is a way of controlling incentives for further informal settlements as settlers are not automatically given property rights but at least their living conditions could be improved.36 Other intervention procedures such as servicing, partial adjustments, onsite redevelopment and SDGs could be applied after careful analysis as not all upgrading interventions are sustainable (Nassar and Elsayed, 2017[84]).

Colombia may wish to reinforce its programmes to rescue degraded neighbourhoods and define a national strategy for urban regeneration focused on both informal settlements and urban degraded areas. This should be part of a nationwide comprehensive housing policy, with low-income housing at its core. Across OECD countries urban regeneration is a way to deal with poverty that characterises distressed neighbourhoods. In particular, tackling the problems of neighbourhoods with distressed social housing is becoming a priority. The different initiatives adopted aim to improve outcomes of households living in the target housing related to employment and income, health and children’s education. In several countries, national and local authorities work together with the private sector to regenerate not just housing units but the habitat. France, for example, adopted in 2014 the New National Programme of Urban Regeneration (Nouveau Programme National de Renouvellement Urbain, NPNRU), as an effort to correct the issue of social segregation via the demolition of damaged social housing and its reconstruction, regenerating the existing capital stock. The programme has a EUR 12 billion budget, partly funded by the national government (EUR 1.2 billion) social housing agencies (EUR 8.4 billion) and the Union sociale pour l’habitat (EUR 2.4 billion). Through the programme, 160 000 social housing units have been demolished, 140 000 have been built and 340 000 (including more than 500 schools) have been rehabilitated, for a total of 600 neighbourhoods and 4 million people involved. The main challenge has been to reduce physical segregation. The programme has reduced poverty in the targeted neighbourhoods by one percentage point but this has been caused by the outflow of displaced poorer households rather than by the inflow of richer households.

In other countries like Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Mexico, national governments promoted the production of social housing which led to the construction of large housing complexes (buildings or single-family houses), physically and socially homogeneous and located in distant peripheries. A few years after being built, they entered a process of acute physical and social deterioration, particularly in Chile and Mexico. In this context, the regeneration of these housing complexes became a challenge for national and local authorities. Urban regeneration programmes are based on the experience of neighbourhood improvement programmes widely popular in Latin America, with the participation of the local community. In the US, the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) implemented the programme Choice Neighborhoods to support with public and private funds locally driven strategies that address struggling neighbourhoods with distressed public or HUD-assisted housing through a comprehensive approach to neighbourhood transformation. The programme helps communities transform neighbourhoods by revitalising severely distressed public and/or assisted housing and catalysing critical improvements in the neighbourhood, including vacant property, housing, businesses, services and schools. The programme aims to replace distressed public and assisted housing with high-quality mixed-income housing that is responsive to the needs of the community.

Colombia should keep in mind two aspects to make urban regeneration a tool for regularising informal settlements and improving living conditions in downgraded urban areas. First, urban regeneration needs to involve private actors working together with national and local governments but it must not be completely market-oriented; otherwise, there is a risk of gentrification and social exclusion. In the UK, for example, there have been some examples of urban regeneration projects that have been entrusted to the private sector entirely leaving economic interests to prevail over social concerns. The case of the London Docklands project which aimed at improving the conditions of a highly neglected area became the paradigm of a market-led approach to urban regeneration with little regard for the needs of local residents in terms of jobs and affordable housing. The governments of Santiago de Chile in the 1990s and Mexico City in the 2000s launched important initiatives to densify their central areas through new housing construction. This goal was to be achieved by attracting a new population from different levels of income to central areas. The guiding principle in both cases was to leave the re-densification process in the hands of the private real estate sector but there was no urban and town planning vision. The consequence was the detonation of an uncontrolled real estate boom that expelled the poorest households from the central city to the suburbs.

The second point is that not all cities are prepared for engaging in urban regeneration. There is a clear interest of the real estate sector to invest in the existing city and there is still enormous social potential in central areas of cities. However, for many cities in Colombia, as in Latin America in general, governance is a clear limitation. Urban regeneration requires a governance structure characterised by seamless co‑ordination among sectoral ministries, collaboration across levels of government, mechanisms of association and partnership among jurisdictions (municipalities) and joint public-private investments. The governance structure is not adequate to promote and guide urban regeneration projects. Cities face critical problems to incentivise private investment in social housing in central areas. There are no experiences of joint public-private investments to look for the common good. For this reason, Colombia may wish to design urban regeneration projects with a parallel top-down and bottom-up dynamic. Projects need to be elaborated together with local dwellers and actors to make the most of investments. Citizens must be actively involved on a permanent basis (e.g. through citizens’ committees, neighbourhood associations, etc.) in order to ensure their support for the potential changes.

Include urban safety considerations in urban policy

Colombia has a long record of insecurity, violence and criminality in its cities. This is generally the result of historical conditions, geographic position, economic crisis and increase in inequality among others.37 As urbanisation continues in Colombia, the sheer population growth in cities may outpace national and local governments’ ability to provide basic services that could, in turn, breed the growth of violence and crime and alternative governance structures dominated by organised crime, which will control life in neighbourhoods. Urbanisation patterns have had a negative effect on the urban fabric, leading to the division of cities reflected in large-scale urban violence due to socio-economic exclusion and urban/spatial fragmentation. The case of Medellín’s ‘Comuna 13’ exemplifies clearly how these historical urban growth patterns have led to inequality, poverty, vulnerability, exclusion and certainly violence, but also how a neighbourhood can be transformed into a recreational and touristic area through social intervention (Box 3.21). Providing an adequate level of security for urban areas will be costly and will require a much higher level of interagency information sharing and co-operation. Moreover, the higher concentration of population in cities will increase the impact of man-made and natural disasters.

Box 3.21. Tackling insecurity in Medellín through social urbanism

Medellín is Colombia’s second-largest city with approximately 2.5 million inhabitants and the wealthiest in the country. For most of the 20^th century, its development model from a small town to an industrial city has been framed by the dominance of private over public interests. For most of the century, business lobbyists enjoyed great influence over planning decision making and public works initiatives including the conversion of rural to urban land, the razing of slums, the development of landmark projects, etc., but no priority was given to the growing need for affordable housing.

The urban development patterns led to the displacement of poor dwellers from central areas to the peripheral hills of the valley disconnected from the rest of the city. The lack of affordable housing and constant evictions from slums led poor people to adopt squatting, pirate developments and land invasions on slopes and geologically unstable lands. That is how Comuna 13 (San Javier) developed in the late 1970s with 5 000 households built within a 5-year period. Nowadays, there are over 139 000 inhabitants in Comuna 13. Due to its location in areas prone to landslides and generally unsuitable for human settlement, the city’s master plan prohibits the provision of infrastructure and public services. Moreover, inhabitants were considered as land invaders by the local government. So, spatial practices and ways of inhabiting have largely defined the precarious status of Comuna 13’s residents.

In the 1980s, youth gangs arose in peripheral neighbourhoods of Medellín. Anti-gang organisations known as militias appeared to tackle banditry and petty crime, performing judicial, policing and development functions. Drug dealing also proliferated alongside militias and gangs. Different forms of criminality quickly intertwined and, in 1991, the city had on average 19 homicides on average every day and a murder rate of 433 per 100 000 inhabitants making it the most violent city in the world. Recruits for the gangs were enrolled from low-income neighbourhoods such as Comuna 13.

Different policy cycles to tackle crime and violence evolved, from a thin state presence and discretionary interventions (1978-2002) to securitisation and (para) militarisation (2000-03) to social urbanism (2004‑11). The latter urban policy round was based on a civic network turned political movement: the Citizen Commitment Movement. The movement sought to reduce locational disadvantages through comprehensive neighbourhood upgrading with the participation of local communities to preside over the allocation of 5% of the municipal budget.

The municipality conducted “integrated urban projects” that included mobility infrastructures such as the metrocable (aerial cable car), schools, library parks, day care centres, risk-mitigation public works, regeneration of public space and local economic development initiatives. These projects had a positive impact on the perception of quality of life and in the frequency of violent events. The projects presented an opportunity for urban reform. However, despite growing commerce around areas served by the metrocable, residents and shop owners are still victims of extortion and weekly or monthly security tax levied by criminal actors. Although Comuna 13 has the highest concentration of armed forces in Colombia, residents still have a perception of insecurity and armed forces face difficulties in enforcing the law. Paramilitary actors have adapted to the expansion of participatory governance in Medellín. They have created their own non-governmental organisations (NGOs), which has allowed them to gain contracts with the state and legalise their social and political influence.

Source: Sotomayor, L. (2017[85]), “Dealing with dangerous spaces: The construction of urban policy in Medellín”, https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582X16682758.

In Colombia, the lack of proper urban planning tends to generate a chaotic urban design, which results in a deficient physical environment and poor living conditions fostering violence and insecurity (Universidad Nacional de Colombia, 2016[86]). Urban safety has become a vital issue due to the prevalence of fragmented cities with marginalised areas controlled by non-state actors that monopolise violence and taxation. Those actors dispute the control of the territory amongst themselves and with the state, which escalates violence. Mass migration to cities, including migration of foreigners, is leading to overcrowding and poverty, rapidly overwhelming local governments’ ability to provide basic services, which may allow for the proliferation of violence and crime and alternative forms of organisation. The situation is aggravated by robberies, assaults, kidnappings and murders, which in many cases are conducted by juvenile delinquents. The violence levels that Colombian cities are facing highlight the challenges and limitations of governmental institutions to ensure territorial control and law enforcement. COVID-19 has contributed to a temporary decrease in criminality in cities but the challenge is to maintain the trend in the longer term. In the city of Palmira, for example, during the 2020 lockdown, there was a 29% decrease in the homicide rate compared to 2019. The local government aims to decrease the homicide by youth rate from 80% to 66% in 4 years.38 In Cartagena, interpersonal violence has increased over the last decade. In 2008, 22% of homicides were due to interpersonal violence, whereas in 2018 the rate was 55% (Red Cómo Vamos, 2018[77]). In Ibagué, the crime rate increased between 2015 and 2018 regarding theft and personal injuries (Red Cómo Vamos, 2019[87]).

Other challenges to urban safety in Colombia come from new (digital) technology developments and climate change. While developments in technology increase productivity potential for cities and enterprises, they are also enabling delinquents to advance their own capacity for disruption. Technological developments such as automation, analytics and communications may also challenge law enforcement and security, as they also allow non-state actors to evade justice and control urban life. On the other hand, the impact of climate change and the scarcity of resources will add to the economic and social pressures on cities. Colombia has a vast reserve of natural resources but these need to be managed in a sustainable manner. As the urban population grows, the stress on the natural resources supply chain to deliver at much higher levels will also increase. However, this makes the supply chain more vulnerable to disruptions, especially in urban centres. Climate change will also increase this vulnerability through rising sea levels, water scarcity and the loss of farmable land leading to conflict and disruptions.

To support local governments and tackle violence, criminality and insecurity, the national government issued a new Framework Policy of Coexistence and Citizens’ Safety in 2019 (Box 3.22). The framework policy rightly considers that the issue of urban safety is multidimensional and requires co-ordinated action from a wide range of stakeholders. However, it lacks specificity on how to tackle the problem from the origin: inequality and poverty. It aims to strengthen the institutional capacity of police response to insecurity and criminality but the strategy is not linked to complementary policies such as urban and rural development, social assistance programmes for youth that could address the problem from a different angle. A key question that remains for the national government is how to scale up local initiatives. Some cities such as Bogotá, D.C., Medellín and Palmira have longstanding experience in dealing with insecurity. The challenge for the national government is how to integrate that accumulated knowledge into national urban development plans and programmes.

Box 3.22. Colombia’s Framework Policy of Coexistence and Citizens’ Safety

Due to the importance of urban safety for Colombian cities, since 2010, the national government has issued a national policy of coexistence and citizens’ safety. Since then, the National Administrative Department of Statistics (Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística, DANE) has conducted surveys among the main cities of the country to widen the information and databases on criminality.

In 2019, the national government issued a new Framework Policy of Coexistence and Citizens’ Safety. Its purpose is to build and maintain the conditions for the exercise of rights and freedoms of public relations, respect for human dignity and the validity of the social rule of law, in an environment of democratic coexistence, peace and harmony with nature.

The policy operates under seven guiding principles:

Integral – Issues on social coexistence and citizen safety are multidimensional and of a complex and diverse nature.
Interagency – The effective, efficient and timely co-ordination of national entities, police authorities and administrative authorities at all levels of government.
Interdependency – All matters of the policy of coexistence and citizen safety are dependent on each other.
Inclusion – The strengthening of the co-responsibility with the private sector, civil society, academia and international co‑operation.
Information – The policy is based on evidence, information and planning.
Innovation – Policy measures must be reviewed to adopt the best practices to ensure continuous innovation.
Integrity – All police and administrative authorities in charge of the policy are accountable and must act under a code of ethics.

Source: Gobierno de Colombia (2019[88]), Politica Marco de Convivencia y Seguridad Ciudadana, https://www.mininterior.gov.co/sites/default/files/politica_marco_de_convivencia_y_seguridad_ciudadana.pdf.

To contribute to the improvement of safety and inclusion in cities, Colombian authorities may wish to consider the following recommendations:

Connect safety, urban development and inclusion through the NUP framework. A new NUP could make explicit the observation that building safe cities is an essential component to building inclusive cities. It must acknowledge the linkages between inadequate urban development, local governance, social and territorial exclusion, and the spread of crime and violence in cities. The NUP must highlight how urban planning contributes to peaceful coexistence and how urban development can prevent crime and insecurity. The Integrated Urban Development Framework (IUDF) of South Africa may be an inspiration for Colombia because it includes safety as part of the urban development strategy (Government of South Africa, 2016[89]). The IUDF, which is an all-of-society approach, is a new concept of framing safety at the national level; it brings together and integrates the urban and rural sectors. The IUDF focuses on cross-cutting issues such as urban safety, urban resilience and rural-urban interdependence. The South African experience shows that as a cross-cutting issue, urban safety has implications for all local government planning efforts. Urban security is connected to the economy, gender relations, how children are treated and conflict resolution mechanisms. The IUDF shows that community mapping is key, as is the local adoption of global standards. Therefore, collaboration is key among all sectors: government, private sector, civil society and community. It is of key importance that the new NUP sends the message that investing in a safety strategy will make cities better equipped to adapt more easily to new challenges.
Ensure that urban safety strategies are inclusive. All local stakeholders should take part in the design and implementation of urban development and urban safety strategies. Community groups and community members themselves must be included in the planning process, ensuring that youth and women, who are rarely decision-makers, take part in the process. Governments at all levels should adopt a more cohesive, inclusive approach to urban safety, which builds in better accountability mechanisms. Urban safety strategies on a citywide scale must be guided by the principle of co-production of safety.
Support local governments to develop their own safety strategies. All interventions must be tailored to meet local realities and remain prepared to adapt to evolving risks and vulnerabilities. Authorities should acknowledge that social cohesion may manifest differently to people depending on: their gender, age, profession; their place of residence (formal or informal neighbourhoods, inner-city, periphery); and political jurisdictions (migrants refugee camps). Longer-term safer cities interventions will need to reflect local history, norms and values, taking advantage of the ways in which local communities self-organise and regulate collective behaviour. Building neighbourhood connections and a sense of community can be key drivers of safety and security.
Make urban regeneration part of the urban safety strategy and recognise the importance of the public space. A key lesson from the experience of Medellín is that an urban safety strategy based on policing and punishing alone, or on investment in infrastructure alone, does not provide lasting results (Box 3.21). The strategy has to be complemented with a more nuanced approach, such as urban regeneration based on arts. Art can encourage urban design and housing features that foster social interaction among neighbours and enable natural surveillance. The experience of Korea, although with different levels of violence to those of Colombia, shows that supporting welfare through culture-led urban regeneration could have lasting effects not only in crime reduction but on triggering economic activity. The Gamcheon Culture Village and the Sanbokdoro Renaissance Project in the city of Busan shows how participatory arts reduce violence and increase the safety of neighbourhoods and that it is a feasible way to co-construct a safer, inclusive and attractive city (OECD, 2019[24]). In Italy, the city of Palermo used to be the headquarters of mafia organisations for over 30 years. The city promoted cultural activities to change the image of violence. Nowadays the city is considered the cultural capital of the country.39 The reason is that the arts redirect violence towards socially cohesive and inclusive activities. A strategy based on art should be viewed as a process, where anyone can be an artist. Moreover, urban regeneration strategies should focus on the creation of alternative spaces in the public domain for those facing gender-based violence such as young girls.
Complement urban safety strategies with social programmes. Deep-seated social problems such as unemployment, alcoholism, poor education and degraded infrastructure cannot be fixed through policing. Ensuring that public services and programmes are available for youth is also critical. In the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, it is of the utmost importance to focus on vulnerable groups as Colombia has done through social support programmes. However, it is also important that the police does not unduly persecute those who depend on public spaces for their livelihood. These livelihoods are likely to be informal and already highly vulnerable to the economic and social impacts of lockdown policies. Equally, these professions provide key services for other vulnerable and at-risk groups. For example, street vendors are the source of food for the poorest and most vulnerable urban residents. The police must find negotiated ways with informal vendors so they can trade as safely as formal supermarkets. City governments, supported by the police force, must take steps to ensure that eviction drives, targeted at informal settlements and the homeless or pavement dwellers, cease during the pandemic. Eviction may increase vulnerability to a range of risks including violence. The police are central to COVID-19 responses but police brutality is another potential challenge.
Strengthen cities’ safety strategies through a comprehensive urban safety monitor. The national government could develop an urban safety monitor using disaggregated data and indicators that assess the impact of the efforts taken to promote safety. Municipalities, with national government support, will need to improve data collection and analysis for urban safety. Cities should ensure that urban safety strategies focus on the neighbourhood as the key level and unit of analysis.
Local governments need to promote the local implementation of global standards. The national government could, as part of the decentralisation process, delegate or devolve authority and responsibility for local government to undertake resilience-building actions. Cities can include in their development vision the concept of resilience and adopt risk-informed plans and disaster management plans. This could help local governments implement the humanitarian crisis tools that already exist, such as the Sendai Framework for Disaster Reduction and the 2019 Minimum Standards for Child Protection. However, the national government, NGOs and research and academic institutions will have to provide capacity development to municipalities. Financing these activities could be part of the royalties that subnational governments receive.

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Notes

← 1. For further information, see “Compromiso por Colombia–Catastro Multipropósito y obras PDET, ejes de la estrategia del Gobierno entre 2020 y 2022”, https://id.presidencia.gov.co/Paginas/prensa/2020/COMPROMISO-POR-COLOMBIA-Catastro-Multiproposito-y-obras-PDET-ejes-de-la-estrategia-del-Gobierno-entre-2020-y-2022-200807.aspx.

← 2. For further information, see http://ieu.unal.edu.co/medios/noticias-del-ieu/item/el-88-de-los-municipios-de-colombia-tienen-el-pot-desactualizado-ministerio-de-vivienda-ciudad-y-territorio.

← 3. The term mestizo has been applied in Colombia, like in the rest of Latin America, to the child of a ‘white race’ parent and a ‘Native American’ race mother or father. For further information see: https://www.colombia.co/pais-colombia/los-colombianos-somos-asi/colombia-un-pais-plurietnico-y-multicultural/#:~:text=Clases%20de%20mestizaje%20en%20Colombia,%E2%80%9Craza%E2%80%9D%20%E2%80%9Camerindia%E2%80%9D.

← 4. Information provided by the Ministry of Housing, Cities and Territory to the OECD (PowerPoint presentation November 2020).

← 5. In Colombia, municipalities are classified into categories one to six and special category according to their number of inhabitants and their Current Income of Free Destination -ICLD-. The current income of free destination ICLD are the tax and non-tax revenues, excluding the income of specific destination, that is, those destined by Law or by Administrative Act to a specific purpose. For further information see: https://www.quienesquien.co/cuales-las-categorias-los-municipios-colombia/

← 6. For further information, see: Area Metropolitana Valle de Aburrá, https://www.metropol.gov.co/planeacion/Paginas/plan-estrategico-metropolitano-de-ordenamiento-territorial.aspx.

← 7. For further information, see https://www.upra.gov.co/.

← 8. Environmental zoning is defined as the basis for determining how the space of a territory could be used in a more efficient manner based on environmental criteria (Villegas Rodríguez et al., 2016[23]).

← 9. Main ecological structure is understood as the set of strategic ecosystems that guarantee the integrity of biodiversity and the provision of ecosystem services in order to meet the basic needs of the population (Villegas Rodríguez et al., 2016[23]).

← 10. For further information, see www.who.int/es/news-room/feature-stories/detail/using-covid-19-lockdown-road-crash-data-to-inform-transport-safety-policy-cali-colombia.

← 11. For further information, see www.movilidadbogota.gov.co/web/noticia/con_drones_se_reducira_a_7_minutos_el_tiempo_de_respuesta_de_los_choques_simples_en_bogota.

← 12. For further information, see www.infobae.com/america/colombia/2021/03/06/durante-2020-hubo-390-personas-fallecidas-en-accidentes-de-transito-en-bogota/.

← 13. For further information, see https://bogota.gov.co/mi-ciudad/salud/coronavirus/ciclovia-habilitada-durante-la-cuarentena-por-la-vida.

← 14. For further information, see https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2020/06/colombias-medellin-eco-city-coronavirus-covid19-recovery.

← 15. Pico y Placa (Peak and Plate) is a driving restriction policy aimed at reducing traffic congestion by restricting access to pre-established urban areas for vehicles with license plate numbers ending in certain digits on pre-established days and during certain hours.

← 16. Municipalities Category 1 refers to those all those districts or municipalities with a population between 100 001 and 500 000 inhabitants and whose current income of free annual destination is greater than COP 100 000 and up to COP 400 000 legal monthly minimum wages. See: https://www.quienesquien.co/cuales-las-categorias-los-municipios-colombia/

← 17. For further information, see https://www.dinero.com/pais/articulo/cual-es-el-avance-de-los-proyectos-de-infraestructura-4g-en-colombia/291562.

← 18. For further information, see https://www.dinero.com/pais/articulo/camara-colombiana-de-la-infraestructura-propone-plan-de-redes-viales/291193.

← 19. For further information, see https://www.ad.nl/auto/onnodig-hutjemutje-wachten-voor-rood-licht-verkeerslichten-moeten-uit~ad53f5d5/.

← 20. For further information, see Cámara de Comercio de Bogotá, www.ccb.org.co/observatorio/Analisis-Economico/Analisis-Economico/Crecimiento-economico.

← 21. For further information, see https://www.oecd.org/sti/msti-highlights-march-2021.pdf.

← 22. For further information, see https://www.dw.com/en/colombia-is-becoming-an-online-country-but-a-digital-divide-still-separates-cities-from-the-countryside/a-47563079.

← 23. For further information, see https://www.mintic.gov.co/portal/inicio/Sala-de-prensa/MinTIC-en-los-medios/102629:Colombia-a-la-vanguardia-para-conectar-con-Internet-veloz-y-de-calidad.

← 24. For further information, see https://www.mintic.gov.co/portal/inicio/Iniciativas/Sector-TIC/160033:Zonas-Digitales.

← 25. For further information, see MinTIC, https://www.mintic.gov.co/portal/inicio/Sala-de-prensa/Noticias/198359:MinTIC-publica-para-comentarios-el-borrador-de-la-resolucion-de-Ciudades-y-Territorios-Inteligentes.

← 26. For further information, see MinTic, Ciudadanía Digital, https://mintic.gov.co/portal/vivedigital/612/w3-article-19500.html.

← 27. For further information, see Programa CORFO de Innovación Social, https://www.uchile.cl/convocatorias/135588/prototipos-corfo-de-innovacion-social-antofagasta-valparaiso-aysen and https://www.corfo.cl/sites/cpp/sala_de_prensa/regional/11_12_17_premiacion_de_prototipos_de_innovacion_social;jsessionid=VERJ2JeT837ZEQqnYRYYzYALCNBiMchXKVA9fQLG_UkfjWrMqC2j!1043410922!1458143500.

← 28. For further information, see Colombia, Programa Ideas para el Cambio, https://minciencias.gov.co/cultura-en-ctei/ideas-para-el-cambio#:~:text=Es%20un%20programa%20de%20Colciencias,comunidades%20pobres%20y%20vulnerables%20Colombia.

← 29. For further information, see https://www.nap.edu/catalog/18384/the-experimental-program-to-stimulate-competitive-research.

← 30. For further information, see https://www.urosario.edu.co/Revista-Divulgacion-Cientifica/Economia-y-politica/La-desigualdad-en-Colombia-no-cede/ and https://forbes.co/2020/10/30/economia-y-finanzas/colombia-es-el-pais-mas-desigual-de-toda-america-latina/.

← 31. According to UN-Habitat, the “right to the city” encompasses all civil, political, economic, social, cultural and environmental rights as enshrined in existing human rights treaties, covenants and conventions. It is a new paradigm that provides an alternative framework to rethink cities and urbanisation. It envisions the effective fulfilment of all internationally agreed human rights, sustainable development objectives as expressed through the SDGs and the commitments of the Habitat Agenda (UN-Habitat, 2017[90]).

← 32. UN-Habitat has issued a methodology for the determination of the average share of the built-up area of cities that is open space for public use for all. See UN-Habitat (2018), SDG Indicator 11.7.1 Training Module: Public Space, United Nations Human Settlement Programme, Nairobi, https://unhabitat.org/sites/default/files/2020/07/indicator_11.7.1_training_module_public_space.pdf.

← 33. For further information, see Alcaldía Mayor de Bogotá, D.C., Manual de Aprovechamiento Económico del Espacio Público Admnistrado por el Instituto Distrital para la Recreación y el Deporte, https://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/sites/default/files/adjuntos_paginas_2014/manual_aprovechamiento_idrd_0.pdf.

← 34. For further information, see Instituto de Estudios Urbanos, http://ieu.unal.edu.co/medios/noticias-del-ieu/item/la-pandemia-es-una-oportunidad-para-impulsar-el-concepto-barrial-y-la-planeacion-de-la-ciudad-a-escala-micro-investigadores-raul-marino-y-elkin-vargas.

← 35. For an in-depth discussion, see Córdoba Hernández and Pérez García-Burgos (2020[80]).

← 36. For further information, see www.minvivienda.gov.co/espacio-urbano-y-territorial/mejoramiento-integral-de-barrios-y-legalizacion-de-asentamientos.

← 37. Urban societies are integrated by individuals who mostly have opposing and divergent interests that generate conflicts; when negotiations to maintain coexistence fail, it is when violence occurs (Universidad Nacional de Colombia, 2016[86]).

← 38. Participation of the mayor of Palmira, Oscar Escobar, in the webinar “Strengthening the safer cities strategy while responding to COVID-19”, Co-hosted by UN-Habitat and the Global Parliament of Mayors (GPM) on 27-28 May 2020.

← 39. Participation of the deputy mayor of Palermo, Adham Darawsha, in the webinar “Strengthening the safer cities strategy while responding to COVID-19”, Co-hosted by UN-Habitat and the Global Parliament of Mayors (GPM) on 27-28 May 2020.

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