The economy has continued to expand rapidly (Figure A). GDP grew by 2.6% in 2018, mainly underpinned by private consumption. Over most of the past decade, GDP growth in Luxembourg has strongly outpaced the euro area average. Coupled with other strengths, such as relatively low gender inequality and a healthy work-life balance, high income levels are a mainstay of Luxembourg’s well-being.
OECD Economic Surveys: Luxembourg 2019
Executive Summary
Growth has been robust and well-being is high
However, slower growth is projected (Table A), and there are downside risks. In case of a slowdown, the authorities should allow automatic stabilisers to operate. A fiscal stimulus could be envisaged in case of a severe downturn, which might result from rising trade tensions and financial volatility. Building on recent measures, one option to stimulate the economy could be to further reduce taxes on low wages, which would have the side-benefit of making the labour market more inclusive by favouring job insertion of low-skilled workers.
Table A. The expansion is projected to continue
(Annual growth rates, unless specified) |
2018 |
2019 |
2020 |
---|---|---|---|
Gross domestic product (GDP) |
2.6 |
2.0 |
2.5 |
Private consumption |
4.2 |
2.8 |
3.6 |
Government consumption |
4.0 |
4.3 |
3.2 |
Gross fixed capital formation |
-2.8 |
5.5 |
4.5 |
Exports of goods and services |
4.6 |
3.8 |
4.1 |
Imports of goods and services |
5.1 |
4.4 |
4.8 |
Unemployment rate (% of labour force) |
5.5 |
5.2 |
5.1 |
Consumer price index |
2.0 |
1.7 |
1.9 |
Source: OECD Economic Outlook.
Reducing households’ and banks’ financial risks should be a priority
Rising household indebtedness creates vulnerabilities for some families and some banks. Mortgage debt has continuously increased in line with rising house prices (Figure B), creating a high debt service burden for a larger share of households than in most other countries. Though the regulator has imposed higher capital buffers, domestic banks have large exposures to the residential real estate market, which is a source of risk. Introducing borrower-based macroprudential instruments, such as caps to loan-to-value or debt service-to-income ratios, as envisaged in draft legislation, would help avoid the further build-up of vulnerabilities.
Reinforced supervision and regulation can further enhance financial sector resilience and foster the transition to a low-carbon economy. The large investment fund industry is sensitive to external risks, and sizeable intra-group exposures of international banks likewise call for close monitoring. The financial sector is globally exposed to climate-related risks, inter alia through holdings of high-carbon assets which are likely to lose value when policies are implemented to meet international climate change mitigation targets. Building on Luxembourg’s leading role in green bonds, strengthening climate-related disclosure requirements for financial intermediaries will increase transparency and thus the allocative efficiency of financial markets.
Fiscal policy should support sustainable growth
The fiscal position is very strong, but ageing creates a long-term fiscal challenge. The 2018 budget surplus exceeded 2% of GDP, and gross public debt is low and far outweighed by financial assets. However, under unchanged policies, ageing-related costs are projected to rise substantially, posing a long-run fiscal sustainability challenge. Taking steps to increase the retirement age with life expectancy and/or reduce the generosity of pensions would help address this challenge. Options outlined in the 2012 pension reform should be discussed in this context.
The composition of revenues should be also revised to support more sustainable growth (Figure C). Increasing environmental taxes, such as those on transport fuel or on motor vehicles, would reduce CO2 emissions and pollution. More reliance on recurrent real estate taxes would also be desirable. This would allow less reliance on base-narrowing tax arrangements that in the past attracted multinationals to Luxembourg and thus helped increase corporate tax revenues. Those provisions are being gradually phased out as part of Luxembourg’s engagement in international efforts towards tax transparency, which should continue.
Future prosperity will require stronger productivity growth
Productivity growth has disappointed, especially in services. The level of productivity is high, but its growth has been subpar for two decades (Figure D). Weak growth can largely be traced to services, where often the most productive firms have failed to pull ahead and weaker firms have fallen further behind. Within services, the financial sector has remained the main area of activity, despite declining productivity growth. Policy initiatives to diversify the economy need to be further pursued, with systematic monitoring and evaluation.
Firms that are not top-performers, but viable, need to catch up. Firms often face skill shortages, inter alia in digital technologies, which weighs on productivity outcomes. Market congestion by inefficient firms compounds the problem. Training offers should be stepped up and need to be better informed by regular skill foresight exercises. Restrictive regulations in professional services hamper productivity in that sector but also in downstream production. A more efficient insolvency regime would foster entrepreneurship and help struggling firms to either restructure or exit.
Top-performing firms could still become more innovative. This can take place through more widespread adoption of cutting-edge technologies, such as artificial intelligence or blockchain applications, where public sector use can have a valuable demonstration effect. R&D investment is low by international standards, and the share financed by firms has been declining. Income-based R&D tax incentives have been recently made more targeted, but remain likely to benefit large firms disproportionately. Introducing expenditure-based tax incentives could thus be considered.
The housing market needs to become more efficient and equitable
Housing supply has not kept pace with growing demand. Strong demographic growth, coupled with a trend towards smaller households, have fuelled housing demand, while structural constraints have hampered supply (Figure E). Limited use of land available for construction and cumbersome zoning restrictions have made land prices soar. In turn, this has worsened land hoarding, left unchecked by the low opportunity cost of vacant constructible land, but also by weak incentives of municipalities to enforce an obligation to build on private landowners. Complex construction norms set by municipalities have made building costs rise further.
High urban sprawl weighs on housing affordability and on the environment. Single-family houses still account for half of the housing stock, which contributes to high urban sprawl in international comparison. This private preference for low-density housing entails major social costs in terms of pollution, traffic congestion (not least due to massive cross-border commuting) and more expensive public infrastructure. Enhanced incentives for densification are hence called for. As with other supply constraints, better coordination between central and local government, as well as across different municipalities, is key.
Tax provisions hamper housing supply, fuel mortgage indebtedness and harm equity. Recurrent real estate taxes are very low, partly because they are based on outdated cadastral valuations. Besides raising little revenue, these taxes hardly provide any incentives for socially efficient land use and territorial development. For instance, unused constructible land is seldom taxed, thus encouraging land hoarding. Rising house prices are also due to the favourable income tax treatment of owner-occupied housing, inter alia through mortgage interest deductibility, which tends to be regressive.
Equitable access to housing is also made difficult by a small social rental sector. The stock of social rental housing is very low (Figure F), partly reflecting the past practice of re-sale of subsidised housing on the unregulated market. Social rental agencies can alleviate this shortage by acting as intermediaries between landlords and vulnerable tenants, providing rent payment guarantees and maintenance services to the owners and supporting tenants in their future transition to unsubsidised housing. Financial support for these agencies should be stepped up and municipalities could provide up-to-date information on unoccupied dwellings.
Social housing allocation can be improved. Social rental housing should be targeted at those households most in need, to provide them with an affordable dwelling and prevent socio-economic segregation. However, the admission criteria for social housing are often flexible and with low transparency. Moreover, partly due to unlimited tenure contracts, many tenants come from the two top income quintiles. Recurrent means-testing should be combined with tailored plans for re-entering the private rental sector, similar to those used by social rental agencies. Rents in the social housing sector should also increase more steeply with tenant income.
MAIN FINDINGS |
KEY RECOMMENDATIONS |
---|---|
Reducing households’ and banks’ financial risks |
|
Rising house prices and household indebtedness create vulnerabilities for some families and for some banks. |
Introduce borrower-based macroprudential instruments, such as caps to loan-to-value or debt-service-to-income ratios, as foreseen in draft legislation. |
As elsewhere, the financial sector faces risks from exposures to high-carbon assets which could lose value in the context of policies to meet internationally agreed climate change mitigation targets. |
Strengthen disclosure of climate-related risks by financial intermediaries, in line with the recommendations by the Task Force on Climate-related Financial Disclosures. |
The financial sector is exposed to risks arising in international markets. |
Further reinforce financial supervision, namely by continuing to monitor credit risks on intra-group bank exposures and to enhance on-site inspections and data collection on investment funds. |
Using fiscal policy to make growth sustainable and inclusive |
|
As in the euro area, there are signs of a slowdown in activity and the most vulnerable workers would be the first affected. |
Allow automatic stabilisers to work in case of a downturn and, if it intensifies, implement a countercyclical fiscal expansion. |
In a no-policy-change scenario, ageing-related costs are projected to rise substantially over the long run. |
Increase the retirement age with life expectancy and/or reduce the generosity of pensions. |
Recurrent taxes on immovable property are very low. |
Turn recurrent taxes on immovable property into a more important fiscal resource, e.g. by regularly aligning the tax base with the market price of the property. |
Past tax arrangements for large corporations have contributed to raise significant tax revenues, but are no longer a sustainable attractiveness factor. |
Continue to engage in international efforts to address tax challenges of cross-border activities and to strengthen tax transparency. |
Luxembourg has low environmental taxation. Fuel tourism is high. |
Continue to raise taxes and excise duties on transport fuel, especially on diesel, and develop flanking measures over the short term for most affected poor households. |
Reviving productivity growth |
|
Productivity growth has long been slow, partly due to skill shortages. |
Undertake regular skill foresight exercises and ensure their outcomes feed into enhanced training offers. |
In services, the less productive firms have tended to fall further behind, which weighs on aggregate productivity. |
Modernise bankruptcy law to ease early restructuring and second-chance opportunities, as well as the exit of non-viable firms. |
Regulations for some professional services remain restrictive in international comparison. |
In those professional services, eliminate restrictions on advertising and marketing. |
Even top firms often fail to innovate. |
Promote the adoption of cutting-edge technologies, inter alia through the demonstration effect of public sector use. |
Addressing pressures and improving inclusiveness in the housing market |
|
Limited use of land available for construction and cumbersome zoning restrictions have fuelled land prices and encouraged land hoarding. |
Increase the opportunity cost of unused land by reforming recurrent taxes on immovable property. One option is to increase land value taxes on land zoned for construction. Make part of government financing of municipalities conditional on municipalities penalising landowners and developers for non-use of building permits. |
The personal income tax treatment of owner-occupied housing favours home ownership, encouraging indebtedness and house price rises. |
Phase out or at least reduce mortgage interest deductibility. |
High urban sprawl increases pollution, traffic congestion and the cost of public infrastructure. |
Increase residential density, in particular around transport network hubs, namely by building higher buildings. |
The social rental housing stock is small and often allocated to high-income tenants. The 2019 budget includes a new budget line to acquire land for housing purposes, currently endowed with an amount of EUR 100, which can be increased according to budgetary procedures. |
To increase the stock of social rental housing while preserving social mixity, directly finance new land acquisition by public providers of social housing. Use recurrent means testing to better target the provision of social housing. |
Housing allowances and rents in the social housing sector are not spatially differentiated, despite highly heterogeneous housing and rental market prices across municipalities. |
Link housing allowances and rents in the social housing sector to reference rents at the local level. |