This chapter provides an overview of equity and inclusion in the Irish education system. It outlines the economic and social context, and the structure of the education system from early childhood education and care to post‑primary education, including special education, alternative educational provision and provision for learners disengaged from education. It describes the DEIS programme in detail, from its conception through a significant review in 2017 to more recent refinements. Finally, the chapter focuses on the education system's performance, elaborating on challenges relating to educational outcomes for children and young people related to socio‑economic background, gender and immigrant status. It also examines the performance of Irish Traveller and Roma students, well‑being, and progression beyond post-primary education.
OECD Review of Resourcing Schools to Address Educational Disadvantage in Ireland
1. An overview of equity and inclusion in the education system
Abstract
Introduction
Ireland has a centralised education system where the central body, the Department of Education (DoE), is directly responsible for some school-level administration, such as allocating funding to schools, assigning teaching posts and ensuring quality education (Department of Education, 2024[1]; OECD, 2020[2]). State‑funded education is available at all levels in Ireland. Early childhood education and care (ECEC) typically starts at age three or four, and while it is not compulsory, there is a very high take-up of ECEC for the two years before the transition to primary school (Department of Education, 2024[1]). Primary education (ISCED 1) lasts eight years, lower secondary (ISCED 2) three years and upper secondary (ISCED 3) two to three years, depending on whether the optional Transition Year is taken (ibid.). Lower and upper secondary education in Ireland are called Junior and Senior Cycle, respectively, collectively labelled post‑primary education, a terminology adopted also in this review (Figure 1.1). Special education settings are also available at all levels. Education is compulsory for children 6 to 16 or until students have completed three years of post-primary education (ibid.). Most children begin primary school at the age of five, following two years of free universal preschool provision. Further details are provided in the following sections. Education beyond Senior Cycle is generally outside the scope of this review. Furthermore, while the review does not focus on provisions for students with special educational needs, it does cover the provision of supports for students with special educational needs in mainstream schools who experience disadvantage.
Figure 1.1. Structure of the education system
Note: The numbers next to educational levels display theoretical starting ages. Six is the starting age of compulsory education and 16 is the ending age.
Source: Adapted from OECD (2023[3]), Education GPS Ireland, https://gpseducation.oecd.org/CountryProfile?primaryCountry=IRL (accessed on 30 November 2023).
There are several state bodies and agencies operating under the aegis of the DoE. Of particular relevance to this review is the work by the Educational Research Centre as well as the State Examinations Commission, National Council for Curriculum and Assessment (NCCA), the Teaching Council, and the National Council for Special Education.
Furthermore, the Inspectorate plays an important role in the education system. Inspections are carried out to improve the quality of education provision for children and young people, and to support the development of the Irish education system (Department of Education, 2021[4]). The DoE Inspectorate does this by providing evaluation, analysis, support and advice concerning education provision, mainly in the early years, primary and post-primary levels. Inspectors also provide advice on a range of education issues to school communities, policy makers in the DoE and the broader education system (ibid.). In addition to improvement, the Inspectorate also promotes accountability in the education system. It does this through quality assuring and reporting about quality, standards, educational opportunities and experiences, and issues of educational equity. More information about the Inspectorate is provided in Chapters 2 and 6.
Economic and social context
Ireland is located in north-western Europe. It has a total area of around 70 thousand square kilometres. Ireland also includes the Aran Islands, the Blasket Islands and other smaller islands. It is surrounded by the Atlantic Ocean to the west, the Celtic Seas to the south, the Irish Sea to the east and to the north shares a land border with Northern Ireland (United Kingdom). The Irish population of approximately five million people resides in a mix of urban (64%) and rural (36%) settings. The capital city, Dublin, is the largest urban centre. Almost half of the Irish population (40%) lives in the greater Dublin area: Dublin city and county, Wicklow, Kildare and Meath (Department of Education, 2024[1]). Other major cities include Cork, Limerick, Galway and Waterford. English and Irish are the two official languages of the Irish state. Following the Irish Sign Language Act 2017, the Irish sign language is also recognised in the country (Government of Ireland, 2017[5]).
Ireland's economy is resilient
Ireland's economy has shown resilience in recent years, specifically during the COVID-19 pandemic and Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine. The government's COVID‑19 response, characterised by robust measures to protect households and businesses, contributed to the economy weathering these challenges successfully (OECD, 2022[6]). The recovery post-lockdown was particularly buoyed by strong exports from the multinational sector and high vaccination rates (ibid.). However, the re‑opening also brought about inflationary pressures, initially driven by elevated energy prices but now more broadly based, especially evident in transport and service costs and rising property prices (ibid.).
Despite inflation concerns, Ireland's labour markets have also demonstrated resilience, with employment levels at a record high at the end of the second quarter of 2023 (CSO, 2023[7]). However, labour shortages, notably in sectors like construction, pose challenges (OECD, 2022[6]). While labour force participation improved for youth and women, those with lower educational attainment struggle to secure and retain employment (Figure 1.2).
Figure 1.2. Employment rates by educational attainment and gender (%)
Source: OECD (2024[8]), OECD.stat: Trends in employment, unemployment and inactivity rates, by educational attainment and age group, https://stats.oecd.org/ (accessed on 29 January 2024).
As the economy rebounded strongly, Ireland was able to withdraw COVID-19 support measures. Indeed, it went from a fiscal deficit of -1.6% of gross domestic product (GDP) in 2021 to a surplus of 1.6% in 2022, thanks to excess corporate tax receipts (OECD, 2022[6]; OECD, 2023[9]). The deficit in 2021 was considerably lower than the average fiscal balance across Organisation for Economic Co‑operation and Development (OECD) countries of that year (-7.5%) (OECD, 2023[9]). In addition, its public debt as a share of GDP was also below the OECD average in 2021 (65.5% against 120.8%) and declined to 46.7% in 2022 (ibid.).
Increasingly ageing population might put a strain on public finances
The number of inhabitants in Ireland has been rising, from around 3.8 million in 2000 to approximately 5.1 million in 2022 (OECD, 2023[10]). The population is projected to increase further, reaching 5.4 million in 2030, 5.8 million in 2040, 6.0 million in 2050 and 6.1 million in 2060 (ibid.). As in many other OECD countries, the trend of population growth will be accompanied by ageing. It is predicted that the share of people aged 65 and older will increase from 15.1% in 2022 to 21.5% in 2040 and then to 27.5% in 2061 (ibid.). Panel B in Figure 1.3 illustrates that while this course is visible in the United Kingdom and on average across OECD countries, the trend in Ireland is steeper and will “overtake” the OECD average around 2050. In contrast, the share of the population in ECEC and most of compulsory education (0‑14 year‑olds) is predicted to decrease from 19.5% in 2022 to 15.3% in 2040, increase slightly to about 15.6% in 2050 and then drop again to 14.1% by 2061 (panel A in Figure 1.3).
Figure 1.3. Projected population shares (%)
Source: OECD (2023[10]), OECD.stat: Population projections, https://stats.oecd.org/ (accessed on 30 November 2023).
The projected demographic trends might impact the reallocation of public resources among competing priorities. With student numbers decreasing, there may be a shift in public resources towards pension schemes and healthcare. In 2020, Ireland spent 2.2% of GDP on primary to secondary educational institutions, compared to 3.6% on average across the OECD (OECD, 2024[11]). This represents a decrease compared to 2015, when Ireland spent 2.4% of GDP on primary to secondary educational institutions (3.4% on average across OECD countries) (ibid.).
However, Ireland’s GDP is boosted by exports from multinationals based in the country and is volatile due to investment spending by multinational firms (OECD, 2022[6]). GDP has been regarded as a less useful measure of economic activity given the globalised nature of the economy and the significant share of the economy that is made up of profits generated by multi-national corporations (Department of Education, n.d.[12]). Other indicators of education spending might, therefore, be more appropriate. To address some of the limitations of GDP, an alternative way of measuring the performance and growth of the Irish economy has been developed by the Irish Central Statistics Office. The Modified Gross National Income (GNI*) provides a measure of the size of the Irish economy specifically adjusted to lessen the impact of globalisation activities that disproportionately affect Irish economic aggregates. GNI* is defined as GNI less factor income of redomiciled companies, less depreciation on research and development service imports and trade in intellectual property, and less depreciation on aircraft leasing. Education expenditure as a percentage of GNI* stood at 5.3% in 2019 and 5.8% in 2015 (ibid.).
Other measures can focus on the share of expenditure on education as a share of government expenditure rather than national output. In 2020, as a percentage of total government expenditure, Ireland spent 8.1% on primary to secondary education, compared to 7.5% on average across OECD countries (in 2015, 8.1% and 7.7% in Ireland and on average across OECD countries, respectively) (OECD, 2024[13]).
Related to the demographics are migration trends. The migration landscape has undergone significant transformations, particularly in the first decade of the 21st century, marked by a notable surge in immigration until 2007 (Figure 1.4). Since then, net migration has been decreasing until 2011. After, net migration increased, with the number of people coming into the country again overtaking the number of people leaving in 2015. In 2023, the number of immigrants, standing at 141.6 thousand in April, has been the highest since 2007. More than half (53%) were aged between 25 and 44 years (CSO, 2023[14]). Children aged 0 to 14 constituted 15% of the immigrants in 2023 (ibid.). To a great extent, this latest increase is a result of Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine. Indeed, 18 266 Ukrainian students had been enrolled in schools across Ireland at the end of April 2024 (Department of Education, 2024[15]). Out of that figure, 11 349 had been accommodated in primary schools and 6 917 in post-primary schools (ibid.).
Figure 1.4. Migration trends in Ireland 1993-2023
Note: Net migration is the difference between immigrants and emigrants.
Source: CSO (2023[16]), Annual Population Change, https://ws.cso.ie/public/api.restful/PxStat.Data.Cube_API.ReadDataset/PEA15/XLSX/2007/en (accessed on 30 November 2023).
The demographic fabric of Ireland has evolved into a more heterogeneous composition, encompassing diverse nationalities, languages, ethnicities and religious affiliations. The inflow includes returning Irish nationals, UK nationals, other EU nationals and individuals from various other countries, including Ukrainians. Indeed, the number of immigrants from non-UK non-EU countries rose from 16.1 thousand in 2021 to 81.1 thousand in 2023 (CSO, 2023[14]). The inflow of Ukrainian citizens contributed to this significantly (ibid.). This influx also adds to the population growth described above, and the migration trends carry implications for education policies and practices in Ireland.
Inaccessible housing presents complex challenges
Housing and homelessness pose complex challenges in Ireland. The increase in housing prices in recent years has escalated affordability concerns, exacerbated by a housing stock that has struggled to keep pace with the rising number of households, particularly for lower-income families (OECD, 2022[6]). Housing for All, the current national housing policy, marks a step change in the levels of investment in public housing. It puts a significant emphasis on increasing homeownership, marking a departure from earlier policies. However, the endeavour to enhance residential accommodation faces obstacles, including a cumbersome regulatory and planning system, judicial reviews impeding housing development, elevated construction costs, and a demand for workers in the construction sector surpassing supply (ibid.). Some of these issues are being addressed by the Planning and Development Bill 2023 (Houses of the Oireachtais, 2024[17]). It aims to bring greater clarity, consistency and certainty to how planning decisions are made (ibid.). It puts plan making at the centre and aims to improve the functioning of the planning system whilst protecting public participation (ibid.).
Persistent housing shortages have led to a situation where real house prices and the ratio of house prices to income are rising, affecting housing affordability. High housing-related costs, accounting for 25.6% of total household costs compared to the OECD average of 22.6% in 2021, and a significant portion of the population (19.6% in 2020) spending over 40% of disposable income on private rents further exacerbate the situation (OECD, 2022[6]). In contrast, the housing cost overburden rate (proportion of households paying 40% or more of disposable income on housing costs) stood at 0.9% in 2022, compared to 4.3% on average across European Union (EU) countries (Eurostat, 2024[18]). Nevertheless, the number of years of gross disposable income an average household requires to purchase a 100‑square-metre dwelling is notably high at 16.3 in 2021, ranking among the highest in the EU (European Commission, 2022[19]). Budget allocations for 2024 reflect the government's commitment to addressing housing supply and affordability, including measures on rents and social housing (Department of Public Expenditure, 2023[20]).
Lack of affordable and social housing also impacts homelessness. The Department of Housing's Homelessness report indicates record levels of homelessness, with almost 10 000 adults accessing local authority funded emergency accommodation in 2023 (Department of Housing, Local Government and Heritage, 2023[21]). Young adults aged 18-24 experienced a staggering 101.7% increase between 2019 and 2023 (Figure 1.5). The number of dependants (children) accessing local authority managed emergency accommodation also rose from 3 422 to 3 962 in the four years. The Dublin region bears a disproportionate burden, hosting 72.2% of adults and 76.2% of child dependants in homeless accommodation (ibid.).
Figure 1.5. Individuals accessing local authority managed emergency accommodation
Note: The data capture details of individuals in state-funded emergency accommodation arrangements overseen by local authorities.
Source: Department of Housing, Local Government and Heritage (2024[22]), Homelessness data, https://www.gov.ie/en/collection/80ea8-homelessness-data/ (accessed on 29 January 2024).
Homelessness critically impacts students’ education and well-being. Sub-standard living conditions combined with inadequate rest and poor access to nutritious food affect students' ability to attend and perform at school (Scanlon and McKenna, 2018[23]). These factors contribute to irritability, exhaustion and low self-esteem, severely impacting their academic engagement and participation (ibid.). Furthermore, the uncertainty and displacement of homelessness often lead to behavioural changes in children, such as increased agitation and comfort-seeking behaviours, further hindering their educational development (ibid.). The approach to supporting families and children experiencing homelessness involves a multi‑agency approach and several Irish departments and agencies are responsible for the delivery of supports to these families (e.g. Department of Housing, Local Government and Heritage; Department of Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth; Tusla - the Child and Family Agency; Health Service Executive (publicly funded healthcare system in Ireland) and the DoE). Moreover, Housing for All commits to providing enhanced tenancy sustainment supports for families in long-term homelessness to help them exit emergency accommodation and maintain their tenancies. Two pilots will take place in 2024 in Dublin and Galway that will support families with additional needs to move from emergency accommodation into their own accommodation with wraparound supports (Department of Education, 2024[1]).
All of these factors shape the social situation of Irish citizens. In 2022, approximately one in five individuals were at risk of poverty and social exclusion in Ireland and on average across the EU (20.7% and 21.6%, respectively) (Eurostat, 2023[24]). In Ireland, the rate has been decreasing, dropping from 25.4% in 2015 to 20.7% in 2022 (ibid.). Similarly, the share of children aged 0‑16 at risk of poverty and social exclusion has decreased from 28.7% to 22.9% (ibid.). The risk of poverty and social exclusion is not dependent just on a household's level of income (Eurostat, 2023[25]). It also reflects joblessness, low work intensity, working status and other socio‑economic characteristics (ibid.). Overall, women, people with a low level of educational attainment and unemployed persons were more likely to be at risk of poverty or social exclusion (ibid.). The OECD Education for Inclusive Societies project considers the ways through which education is related to broader societal outcomes (see Annex A).
The Delivering Equality of Opportunity In Schools (DEIS) programme is a DoE intervention to combat educational disadvantage and to promote social inclusion in education (Department of Education, 2017[26]). Initiated in 2005, it focuses on schools with a high concentration of students facing socio‑economic challenges. Depending on the level of disadvantage and location of the school (urban/rural), the DEIS programme provides additional resources, such as smaller classes, access to the Home School Community Liaison (HSCL) Scheme, the School Meals and the School Completion Programmes, a range of literacy and numeracy supports, and access to continuing professional learning (not all listed resources are available to all DEIS schools, see the DEIS programme section for more information). Emphasising early intervention, the DEIS programme seeks to address educational disadvantage with a commitment to fostering parental involvement for a supportive learning environment. The following sections describe the structure of the education system and the DEIS programme in greater detail.
Structure of the education system
Ireland has a centralised education system with schools and the central government being responsible for almost all educational decisions, and with only a very limited regional layer of educational administration (OECD, 2020[2]). This type of structure can impact the level of school autonomy. In 2022, Irish principals of 15‑year-old students perceived a lower level of school autonomy compared to the average across OECD countries (OECD, 2023[27]). Irish principals also perceived lower levels of school responsibility for resources (ibid.). In contrast, principals reported comparable levels of school responsibility for curriculum (ibid.).
The centralised nature of the education system also has implications for educational funding, which flows from the central government directly to schools (OECD, 2023[3]). Teachers, special needs assistants, and primary and secondary school secretaries, as well as their pensions, are paid either directly by the DoE, or by the relevant regional Education and Training Boards (Chapter 2) with funding received from the DoE (Department of Education, 2023[28]; OECD, 2020[2]). Most publicly funded schools also receive direct payments to cover the salaries of administrative and caretaker staff and grants to cover day-to-day running costs (e.g. heating, cleaning and maintenance). Funding is provided to schools at a level determined by the DoE to be sufficient to fund schools’ everyday costs, with enhanced payments provided in recent years to offset increased costs, such as energy prices.
Private organisations play a significant role in educational provision in Ireland: state-funded schools are owned and managed by private organisations (mainly church authorities and religious organisations at the primary level, with greater diversity at the secondary level), although the diversity of school ownership at primary level is slowly increasing (OECD, 2020[2]). Additionally, while most children in Ireland attend state‑funded schools, some are educated in alternative educational provisions: at home or in non‑recognised schools (independent (private) schools).
In regard to school governance structure, all schools have a patron. The patron is the body that establishes and operates the school, and is responsible for the school’s characteristic spirit and ethos (e.g. Catholic, Church of Ireland, Multi/Inter Denominational) (Department of Education, 2024[1]). The patron does not have a direct role in the day-to-day management which is, in most schools, a matter for the board of management, appointed by the patron. Indeed, while the DoE sanctions teaching posts and pays teacher salaries, the board of management is the employer of teachers, and is responsible for their recruitment and dismissal. The board of management also must have regard to the efficient use of resources and accountability to students, their parents, the patron, staff and the community served by the school. The principal is responsible for the management of the school, including providing guidance and direction to the teachers and other staff (ibid.). More information on school management structure is provided in Chapter 2.
Early childhood education and care
The Department of Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth (DCEDIY) is mainly responsible for ECEC. The Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE) universal non‑compulsory programme provides children with their first formal experience of early learning before commencing primary school (Department of Education, 2024[1]). It lasts two years, is available to all children within the eligible age range1, and is free of charge for three hours per day, five days per week over 38 weeks per year from September to June each year. The ECCE programme is delivered by a range of private, community and voluntary entities (e.g. crèches, nurseries, pre-schools, naíonraí (Irish language preschools), playgroups and day‑care services), and the provision of education is inspected by the Inspectorate (ibid.). In 2021, enrolment rates were above the OECD and EU25 averages for 3 to 5 year‑olds (Table 1.1).
Table 1.1. Enrolment rates of 3-5 year-olds in ECEC and primary education (2021)
Source: OECD (2023[29]), Education at a Glance 2023: OECD Indicators, Table B2.1., https://doi.org/10.1787/e13bef63-en.
The Access and Inclusion Model (AIM) has been established to create a more inclusive environment in ECCE settings, providing different levels of universal and targeted support in response to children’s needs (disabilities in particular) and the specific preschool context (Government of Ireland, 2024[30]; OECD, 2021[31]). Furthermore, the Equal Participation Model, due to commence in 2024, will aim to help children and their families who may be experiencing disadvantage access early learning and childcare settings through a range of supports, universal and targeted (Government of Ireland, 2023[32]).
At the same time, the DoE provides targeted specialist preschool provision, such as Early Start, a one‑year programme offered in some primary schools in some disadvantaged areas (Department of Education, 2024[1]). The programme is aimed at children aged between 3 and 5 years who are at risk of not reaching their potential in school (ibid.).
Primary education
Primary education in Ireland consists of an 8-year cycle: junior infants, senior infants, and first to sixth classes (Figure 1.1 above). Although children are not statutorily obliged to begin education until age six, most children start primary education at five, with almost all having availed of two years of free preschool care and education (Department of Education, 2024[1]). There is free school choice in Ireland, but children typically attend their local primary school. However, there is some evidence that some groups, such as those with an immigrant background, have had difficulties in finding places due to oversubscription and prioritisation of children of previous students (Smyth et al., 2009[33]). These concerns were addressed by the Admissions to Schools Act 2018, which provides a framework for school enrolment (Government of Ireland, 2018[34]). It is designed to ensure that every student is treated fairly and that the way in which schools decide on applications for admission is structured, fair and transparent (ibid.). A key feature of the Act is that schools must accept all applicants unless oversubscribed (ibid.). The Act requires schools to explicitly state in their admission policy that they will not discriminate against an applicant for admission on several grounds, provided for under equality legislation (ibid.). Schools have the responsibility for setting and publishing their admissions policy, and for handling enrolments (Department of Education, 2024[1]). Parents can submit enrolment applications to multiple schools but cannot accept more than one place (ibid.).
The primary education curriculum aims to provide a broad learning experience and encourages a rich variety of teaching and learning approaches that cater to the different needs of individual students (Department of Education, 2024[1]). It is designed to nurture students in all dimensions of their lives – spiritual, moral, cognitive, emotional, imaginative, aesthetic, social and physical (ibid.).
Standardised assessments are administered to all students in second, fourth and sixth classes in both English‑medium and Irish‑medium schools (Department of Education, 2024[1]). While these assessments are required at the specified class levels, many schools also conduct standardised tests in first, third and fifth classes as part of their own assessment processes. The standardised assessments evaluate students' progress and achievement in English, reading and mathematics. In Irish medium schools, Irish reading is also assessed. The tests are normed for the Irish population.
The aggregate results are reported to the school board of management (and the DoE), shared with parents/guardians, and used for school self-evaluation and on‑going planning. Schools can make reasonable accommodations for students if the principal determines it is in the student's best interest, particularly for those with learning disabilities, physical impairments and students with an immigrant background facing language barriers. Examples of accommodations include reading assistance, a quiet testing environment outside the classroom and timers to allow for movement breaks during the test (ibid.).
The Irish education system is characterised by a very large number of small primary schools. There are over four times the number of primary as post-primary schools due to the predominance of small schools at that level. In 2022/23, over 40% of primary schools had fewer than 100 students and more than 65% had fewer than 200 students (Figure 1.6). This structure might be put under pressure under the most recent DoE student population projections. According to 2023 estimates, primary enrolments are projected to decrease by 77 952 students between the 2023/24 and 2036/37 school years, reaching a low point of 478 152 by 2036 (Department of Education, 2024[35]). The sharpest falls are predicted to be in the early period and will average 8 150 students per year between 2024 and 2030, with enrolments expected to rise again after 2037 (ibid.).
Figure 1.6. Distribution of school size at primary level (2022/23)
Source: Department of Education (2023[36]), Primary schools enrolment figures: 2022/2023, https://www.gov.ie/en/collection/primary-schools/ (accessed on 1 December 2023).
A distinctive feature of the Irish education system is the presence of both single-sex and co-educational (mixed‑gender) schools. In 2022/23, out of 3 095 primary schools, there were 85 all‑girls (41 DEIS) and 145 all‑boys schools (74 DEIS) (Department of Education, 2023[36]). The DoE encourages local consultation concerning potential change of status to co-educational (mixed-gender) schooling. However, it is ultimately the patrons' responsibility to conduct any necessary consultations they consider suitable and to make the final decision on whether to adopt this change (Houses of the Oireachtas, 2024[37]). New schools are established by the DoE to meet demographic needs, and, generally, such new school provision is mixed‑gender in nature (ibid.).
Post-primary education
Students from about 12 to 18 years old typically attend secondary education in a post-primary school (Department of Education, 2024[1]). The minimum school leaving age is 16 or after three years of secondary education, whichever is later. Students and their guardians/parents apply to post-primary schools freely. Around half of students at this level do not attend their nearest school (Smyth, 2017[38]). In schools that are oversubscribed, a selection process might be necessary. Schools are legally required to set out their selection criteria (Government of Ireland, 2018[34]). While the DoE does not intervene in the selection criteria applied by schools, selection is often based on the following factors (Smyth, 2017[38]):
students that attended certain primary schools;
students living in a particular catchment area;
siblings are currently or were previously enrolled in the school.
Irish post-primary education consists of three-year Junior Cycle (lower secondary education), followed by a two- or three-year Senior Cycle (upper secondary education), depending on whether the optional Transition Year is taken (Department of Education, 2024[1]).
Junior Cycle
Junior Cycle caters for 12-15-year-old students. It was introduced on a phased basis between September 2014 and September 2021 (Department of Education, 2024[1]). It features revised subjects and short courses, a focus on key skills, and new approaches to assessment and reporting. Schools have more freedom to design junior cycle programmes that meet the learning needs of all children and young people. For young people, the junior cycle curriculum available in their schools is a mix of subjects, short courses and other learning experiences. Core elements of the curriculum include English, Irish, Mathematics, History and Wellbeing (ibid.).
The programme has a balanced approach to assessment throughout the three years, focusing on on‑going formative assessment, classroom-based assessments, and assessment tasks in all subject and course components (Department of Education, 2024[39]). At the end, students complete the Junior Cycle examination. It is a state-wide assessment developed through a process that ensures the alignment between the requirements of the relevant syllabi and assessment standards (Department of Education, 2024[1]). Junior Cycle culminates in the Junior Cycle Profile of Achievement award that captures student achievements in several assessment elements undertaken over the three years, including grades in the final examinations, classroom-based assessments in subjects and short courses, other learning programmes and a reporting on Wellbeing (Department of Education, 2023[40]).
Senior Cycle
Senior Cycle caters for 15-18-year-old students. Senior Cycle includes an optional Transition Year (TY) that follows immediately after the completion of Junior Cycle (Department of Education, 2024[1]). TY provides an opportunity for students to experience a wide range of educational inputs, including life skills, personal, social and academic development and experience of adult and working life, over a year free from formal examinations (ibid.). Each school designs its own TY programme, within set guidelines, to suit the needs and interests of its students. In developing it, schools are advised to consider students’ needs, parents’ views, employers and the broader interests of the local community (ibid.). Participating in TY is common in Ireland, with 79.2% of students taking it in 2022/23 (Department of Education and Department of Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science, 2024[41]). While evidence is limited, financial expenses related to TY fees and other related expenses (e.g. optional school trips) can pose a challenge for participation in TY for some families (ISSU, 2014[42]). The DoE is aware of the challenges related to access to and expenses for participation in TY, is conducting a review of TY, and the Minister for Education has committed to making it universally available (Department of Education, 2023[43]). Further details are provided in Chapter 5.
During the final two years of Senior Cycle, students take one of three programmes (Leaving Certificate Established, Leaving Certificate Vocational Programme and Leaving Certificate Applied Programme), each leading to a state examination (Department of Education, 2024[1]). Leaving Certificate Applied (LCA) provides access to further education and training (ISCED 4) and other training options2 but does not provide direct access to higher education (ISCED 5 and above) (OECD, 2023[3]). The other two certificates provide access to both further education and training, as well as higher education (ibid.).
In 2022/23, most students took Leaving Certificate Established (66.6%), followed by Leaving Certificate Vocational (27.0%) and Leaving Certificate Applied (6.4%) (Department of Education, 2023[44]). Each pathway has a standardised assessment taken by all candidates under the same conditions and at the same time, except where appropriate accommodations have been provided (Department of Education, 2024[1]). They are curriculum-based examinations with various components, including written, oral and practical examinations, and coursework projects. All of these components are externally set and marked. The marking of the written examinations and most coursework is anonymous. The marking of oral examinations and some practical work is carried out by visiting examiners. Students with permanent or long-term disabilities or medical conditions, including visual and hearing difficulties or specific learning difficulties, which they believe will significantly impair their performance in examinations, can apply to the State Examinations Commission for reasonable accommodation(s) to facilitate them in taking state examinations (ibid.).
Leaving Certificate Established is a two-year programme that aims to provide students with a broad and balanced education while offering some specialisation towards a particular career option (Department of Education, 2024[1]). The programme assesses subjects through a state-wide final examination paper and, depending on the subject, additional assessment methods, including oral and aural examinations, practical examinations and an assessment of practical coursework at the end of the two years. Performance in the examination can be used for selection into employment, further and higher education (ibid.).
Leaving Certificate Vocational Programme combines the academic strengths of Leaving Certificate Established with a dynamic focus on self-directed learning, enterprise, work and the community (Department of Education, 2024[1]). It is designed to give a vocational dimension to the Leaving Certificate and prepare young people for adult life with an ability to cope and thrive in an environment of rapid change. The programme is also completed by a standardised assessment (ibid.).
Leaving Certificate Applied is a two-year programme available to students who wish to follow a practical or vocationally oriented path (Department of Education, 2024[1]). It comprises a range of courses structured around three elements: vocational preparation, vocational education and general education. LCA focuses on learners at risk of early leaving from education and training. To this end, it emphasises cross-curricular work, tasks and projects, and personal and social development. Furthermore, a minimum level of attendance is required in LCA (ibid.).
Following a comprehensive review of Senior Cycle carried out from 2016, the Minister of Education announced a programme of work for a reimagined Senior Cycle in March 2022, with further refinements announced in September 2023 (Department of Education, 2022[45]; Department of Education, 2023[46]). This will involve significant changes to assessment at Senior Cycle. The programme of work builds on a review of Senior Cycle programmes and vocational pathways completed by the NCCA between 2016 and 2020 (NCCA, 2022[47]). This review involved a range of research, consultations and communications with stakeholders on all aspects of review and redevelopment over several phases. The NCCA also commissioned external expertise to support the process, including the Economic and Social Research Institute and the OECD (NCCA, 2022[47]; OECD, 2020[48]). These findings will inform the current review of Senior Cycle, which aims to shape the curriculum to meet the learners’ needs and their future (NCCA, 2024[49]).
In regard to single-sex post‑primary schools, out of 727 schools in 2022/23, there were 126 all-girls (26 DEIS) and 106 all-boys schools (18 DEIS) (Department of Education, 2023[50]). This means that almost a third (31.9%) of post‑primary schools in Ireland are single-sex. As in primary education, the DoE encourages local consultation on changing a school's status to co-education, and new schools are typically mixed-gender (see section Primary education). Over the past decades, the overall percentage of students in co‑educational post-primary (voluntary) schools has increased from 10.8% in 1962/3 to 68.3% in 2022/23 (McCoy, Carroll and Ye, 2024[51]).
Special education
Special needs education refers to educational arrangements put in place for children with disabilities, although not all children with disabilities have special educational needs (NCSE, 2014[52]). A person is considered to have special educational needs if their capacity to participate in and benefit from education is restricted due to an enduring physical, sensory, mental health or learning disability (ibid.). Special education is provided at all levels, from ECEC to post-primary education.
In ECEC, it is provided in early intervention classes for children diagnosed with autism from the age of three (Department of Education, 2024[1]). These are staffed by a teacher and two special needs assistants with a maximum of six children (ibid.). A significant proportion of children with disabilities in ECEC settings are in mainstream ECEC services supported through the AIM and the ECCE programme (see section Early childhood education and care). In 2023/24, there were 106 108 children taking part in the ECCE programme (Department of Education, 2024[1]). Of these, 7 116 have been approved for additional financial support under the AIM (ibid.). In addition to the 7 116, other children in the ECCE programme benefit from other targeted and universal supports under AIM, including targeted advice and guidance from early years specialists (ibid.).
At primary and post-primary levels, special education may occur in mainstream classes, special classes within mainstream schools and dedicated special schools. In 2022/23, there were 116 special schools with 8 424 students providing for particular types of disability and special educational needs, including those catering to students with general learning disabilities, visual or hearing impairments, physical disabilities, and emotional or severe behavioural difficulties (Department of Education and Department of Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science, 2024[41]). The number of students in special education has increased in all types of settings (Figure 1.7). Between 2018/19 and 2022/23, the number of students in special schools increased by 9.1%, in special classes in primary schools by 62.5% and in special classes in post-primary schools by 88.6%. Special classes offer targeted support with low student/teacher ratios for learners with diverse needs.
Figure 1.7. Number of students in special education settings
Source: Department of Education and Department of Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science (2024[41]), Education Indicators for Ireland: March 2024, https://www.gov.ie/pdf/?file=https://assets.gov.ie/289186/f6c5f4cd-913e-40c2-9cc0-c48c6d566e14.pdf#page=nullhttps://www.gov.ie/pdf/?file=https://assets.gov.ie/289186/f6c5f4cd-913e-40c2-9cc0-c48c6d566e14.pdf#page=null (accessed on 4 April 2024).
In 2022/23, 36.7% and 25.1% of DEIS and non-DEIS primary schools, respectively, had special student enrolment (Department of Education, 2024[1]). Special needs education was supported by 13 985 special education teachers in primary and post‑primary schools, 1 529 teachers in special schools and 19 219 special needs assistants across the three school settings in 2022/23 (Department of Education and Department of Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science, 2024[41]). While the exact numbers on students supported by special education teachers and special needs assistants in mainstream classes are not available, the majority of students with special educational needs are in mainstream classes and, therefore, in DEIS schools (Department of Education, 2024[1]).
Alternative educational provision
While most children in Ireland attend state-funded schools, some are educated at home or in non‑recognised schools (independent (private) schools). These are generally not funded by the DoE, overseen by its Inspectorate, and are not subject to requirements such as curriculum, calendar year and other policies specific to the DoE (Tusla, n.d.[53]). While non-recognised schools do not need to follow the national curriculum, each child must receive a particular minimum education set by the DoE (Department of Education and Science, 2003[54]). Independent school providers also set their own criteria for the employment of staff in regard to qualifications and experience (Tusla, n.d.[53]). Teachers at independent schools may hold a teaching and other qualification, but there is no requirement for those responsible for the education of a child in a setting outside of a recognised school to have any specific qualifications (ibid.). However, it is a legal requirement that all staff employed or working on a voluntary basis at an independent school are Garda vetted. All staff and volunteers must be trained in the Children First National Guidelines (Department of Children and Youth Affairs, 2017[55]) and in the school’s Child Safeguarding Statement (Tusla, n.d.[56]).
Furthermore, Tusla is responsible for maintaining a register of all home‑educated children who attend a school or setting not recognised by the DoE. Tusla has also established an Alternative Education Assessment and Registration Service (Tusla, n.d.[57]). This service oversees the regulation of education provision in places other than recognised schools, and its function is to assess educational provision for children who are not attending a recognised school (ibid.). All parents or guardians who want to educate their children at home or in a school not recognised by the DoE must register their child with Tusla (Government of Ireland, 2000[58]). Tusla will then arrange for the educational provision to be assessed to ensure it meets a certain minimum standard (Tusla, n.d.[57]).
Alternative educational provisions have a relatively low overall enrolment, but their share has increased since 2014 (Figure 1.8). Home Education learners almost doubled from 969 in 2014 to 1 931 in 2022, and those enrolled in independent schools rose by over a third from 4 581 in 2014 to 6 217 in 2022.
Figure 1.8. Learners in Home Education and independent schools
Source: Department of Education (2024[1]), OECD Review of resourcing schools to address educational disadvantage: Country Background Report Ireland, https://s3-eu-west-1.amazonaws.com/govieassets/296017/4d1ac422-5475-470e-b910-4c80a83c43bc.pdf.
Provision for learners disengaged from education
The Irish education system also offers out-of-school alternative services to individuals who have difficulties staying engaged in education (Department of Education, 2024[1]). These settings vary in structure and design, but provide an essential service for a small cohort of students who have had difficulty continuing their education. This sector has expanded over time, often responding to local or specific needs. Settings have been established in Dublin, Limerick, Cork and other main urban areas. Out-of-school education settings also include the alternative learning programmes developed by Education and Training Boards, Cork Life Centre, Carline and City Motor Sports centres in Dublin, among others (ibid.).
Another support mechanism in this area is Youthreach, an education, training and work programme for early leavers from education and training aged 15 to 20 years who might not have completed Junior Cycle (Department of Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science, 2022[59]). It supports young people by helping them identify their future educational and career paths, and allows them to gain qualifications such as Junior Cycle, LCA, and Quality and Qualifications Ireland (QQI) awards. Youthreach operates on a full-time basis and generally lasts one to two years. It integrates personal development, literacy, numeracy, information and communication technologies, and a range of vocational options and work experiences (ibid.). It is also supported by the European Social Fund (European Commission, 2023[60]). Other supports for individuals at risk of early leaving from education and training (e.g. HSCL Scheme and School Completion Programme) are described in Chapter 5.
DEIS programme
The DEIS programme, commenced in 2005 by the DoE, represents a key policy initiative to address concentrated educational disadvantage across the primary and post-primary levels (Department of Education and Science, 2005[61]). Recognising the profound consequences of underachievement as a result of educational disadvantage in schools, the DEIS programme seeks to provide targeted support to schools with concentrated populations of students from socio‑economically disadvantaged communities (ibid.). Since 2005, the programme has undergone several significant changes, outlined in Table 1.2 and further elaborated in the following sections. In 2017, following a review, the DEIS identification model was refined towards more comprehensive and robust measures of socio‑economic disadvantage (Department of Education, 2017[26]). An action plan was also set up to monitor the progress of the DEIS programme (ibid.). In 2021-22, the identification model underwent further changes, reflecting a more nuanced understanding of the identification of socio‑economic disadvantage (Department of Education, 2022[62]).
Table 1.2. Evolution of the DEIS programme (2005-2021)
Note: The table illustrates only selected significant changes and does not provide a comprehensive list. HSCL = Home School Community Liaison (see Chapter 5 for more information).
Source: Archer and Sofroniou (2008[63]), The Assessment of Levels of Disadvantage in Primary Schools for DEIS, https://www.erc.ie/documents/deis_assess_disadv_prim_sch.pdf (accessed on 19 April 2024); Department of Education (2017[26]), DEIS Plan 2017, https://www.gov.ie/pdf/?file=https://assets.gov.ie/24451/ba1553e873864a559266d344b4c78660.pdf#page=null (accessed on 30 November 2023), Department of Education (2022[62]), The Refined DEIS identification model, https://assets.gov.ie/220043/d6b98002-a904-427f-b48a-0fa0af756ea7.pdf (accessed on 30 November 2023), Department of Education and Science (2005[61]), DEIS: An Action Plan for Educational Inclusion, https://www.into.ie/app/uploads/2019/07/deis_action_plan_on_educational_inclusion.pdf (accessed on 30 November 2023); and Weir (2006[64]), A Report on the Procedures Used to Identify Post-Primary Schools for Inclusion in the School Support Programme under DEIS, https://www.erc.ie/documents/procedures_for_selecting_post-primary_schools_for_deis.pdf (accessed on 12 May 2024).
Conception of the DEIS programme in 2005
The DEIS programme was conceived to assist children and young people achieve their full potential within the Irish education system, fostering better participation in society and the economy (Department of Education and Science, 2005[61]). Acknowledging the absence of a standardised system for identifying levels of socio‑economic disadvantage in schools, DEIS aimed to refine methods for identifying schools with students from disadvantaged backgrounds and targeted additional support through various measures. The definition of educational disadvantage is framed in the Education Act (1998) as (Government of Ireland, 1998[65]):
“The impediments to education arising from social or economic disadvantage which prevent students from deriving appropriate benefit from education in schools.”
The identification of schools for inclusion is based on the “multiplier effect” of concentrated levels of socio‑economic disadvantage, acknowledging that high levels of disadvantage require targeted, multi‑dimensional and more intensive responses. The multiplier effect implies that students in schools with high shares of disadvantaged students can have poorer academic outcomes, even taking account of individual social backgrounds (Smyth, McCoy and Kingston, 2015[66]). The programme was first grounded on the following principles (Department of Education and Science, 2005[61]):
That every child and young person deserves an equal chance to access, participate in and benefit from education;
Every person should have the opportunity to reach their full educational potential for personal, social and economic reasons; and
Education is a critical factor in promoting social inclusion and economic development.
Furthermore, the DEIS programme sought to improve the targeting of additional support to schools with high levels of disadvantage (Department of Education and Skills, n.d.[67]). To this end, several existing schemes and programmes were integrated into School Support Programme. These encompassed Early Start, Giving Children an Even Break, the HSCL Scheme, the School Completion Programme, the Early Literacy Initiative, and the School Books Grant Scheme at primary and post‑primary levels. Additionally, DEIS included provisions for vulnerable groups, particularly Traveller and Roma students, and those for whom English or Irish was not their first language (ibid.).
The DEIS programme also recognised the lack of a standardised system for identifying levels of socio‑economic disadvantage in schools. As mentioned above, the DEIS programme emphasises the significance of focusing support on concentrated numbers of students from areas of significant disadvantage. Therefore, in the initial stages of DEIS, primary schools were identified based on a survey of school principals who provided data on specific characteristics of students: unemployed parents, living in local authority accommodation, from lone parent families, of Traveller ethnicity, from large families (more than five children), and eligible for free books (Archer and Sofroniou, 2008[63]; Department of Education, 2022[62]). At the post-primary level, centralised information was used to identify schools for inclusion: the percentage of students with medical cards, school-level retention rates for several cohorts, and Junior Certificate3 achievement data over a period of time (Weir, 2006[64]). Based on these characteristics, 670 primary and 203 post‑primary schools were identified as DEIS, representing approximately 20% of all schools (Department of Education and Skills, n.d.[67]).
Review of the DEIS programme
In 2015, the Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI) evaluated the DEIS programme, yielding several policy implications (Smyth, McCoy and Kingston, 2015[66]). These emphasised the continuing concentration of disadvantage in DEIS schools and the need for sustained support. It suggested a nuanced approach to resourcing, moving away from a rigid “cut-off” to a degree of tapering, while acknowledging the complexity of needs in DEIS schools. Additionally, challenges in mathematics highlighted the necessity to focus on numeracy skills in future provisions. The report also highlighted that the lack of data on the social profile of individual students posed challenges in measuring the achievement gap for disadvantaged students and capturing the additional impact of the concentration of disadvantage in a school on achievement (ibid.).
A review of the DEIS programme was initiated following the ESRI publication. The objective was to develop a new methodology for school identification and a renewed support framework to address educational disadvantage effectively (Department of Education, 2024[1]). The outcome of the review, documented in the Report on the Review of DEIS, led to the publication of the DEIS Plan 2017 (Department of Education, 2017[26]; Department of Education and Skills, n.d.[67]). It set goals to break down barriers and disrupt the cycle of inter-generational disadvantage (Department of Education, 2017[26]). The Plan also aimed to equip students to participate, succeed and contribute effectively to society in a changing world (ibid.). To measure progress, it outlined specific targets related to literacy, numeracy, retention, teacher education and parental and community engagement (ibid.). The Plan also articulated five key goals (ibid.):
Implementation of a more robust and responsive assessment framework for school identification and effective resource allocation;
Improvement of learning experiences and outcomes for students in DEIS schools;
Enhancement of the capacity of school principals and teachers to engage, plan and deploy resources effectively;
Supporting and fostering best practices through inter-agency collaboration; and
Provision of research, information, evaluation and feedback to support the work of schools.
More than 100 actions were implemented to support achieving these goals and provide students most at risk of disadvantage with improved outcomes (Department of Education, 2017[26]). Principals and teachers received priority access to Forbairt, a developmental programme for school leadership teams (Department of Education, 2024[1]). Aspiring principals from DEIS schools also received priority access for the Post Graduate Diploma in School Leadership (ibid.).
Additionally, all post-primary schools participating in the DEIS programme benefited from dedicated career guidance counsellors (Department of Education, 2017[26]). Furthermore, strengthening the connections between ECEC settings and primary schools aimed to create a more seamless educational transition. Piloted approaches aimed to identify effective interventions and encourage creativity in teaching and learning, supported by the School Excellence Fund. The mandatory implementation of Book Rental Scheme for schools in the programme, greater prioritisation of National Education Psychological Service for DEIS schools, formal outreach arrangements by education training boards (see Chapter 2 for more details), and the incorporation of insights from the Area Based Childhood programmes into school supports collectively formed a comprehensive strategy to enhance educational outcomes and address deep-rooted disadvantage. Moreover, DEIS schools were expected to engage in a systematic three-year planning and monitoring process (ibid.).
Changes in school identification
A key aspect of the DEIS Plan 2017 was introducing a new approach to identifying schools eligible for additional support. The consultation process revealed that schools were averse towards the survey-based approach due to the additional administrative burden it imposed (Department of Education, 2024[1]). It was considered unfair to expect schools to gather sensitive socio-economic data on their school communities (ibid.). There was a demand for a more responsive methodology that could adapt to demographic and other changes in school communities, a crucial consideration given the significance of the social context in the DEIS programme. Responding to these concerns, the DoE explored alternative options, deploying the Pobal Haase Pratschke Index (HP Index) (Box 1.1). Data in the HP Index are derived from the Central Statistics Office National Census. Students receive an HP Index score based on their home address. The initial application of the HP Index focused on assessing the percentage of students with a score of -10 or below (Department of Education, 2024[1]). This threshold, designated by Pobal as one standard deviation below the mean, is the point at which the label “disadvantaged” is applied (Haase and Pratschke, 2017[68]). The result of these efforts was the inclusion of an additional 79 schools in the DEIS programme from September 2017 (Department of Education, 2024[1]).
Box 1.1. Pobal Haase Pratschke Index (HP Index)
The HP Index is a comprehensive measure of relative affluence and deprivation across urban and rural areas. The index aims to address some limitations of other deprivation indices, such as the lack of sensitivity to rural disadvantage, or for being less meaningful for some age groups or minority groups (Fecht et al., 2017[69]; Fu, Exeter and Anderson, 2015[70]). It is based on three dimensions of affluence/disadvantage: demographic profile, social class composition and labour market situation.
The demographic profile emphasises the distinct challenges faced by rural areas, where adverse labour market conditions often manifest as agricultural underemployment or emigration. This selective emigration, particularly among core working-age cohorts and those with post-secondary education, leaves behind economically dependent communities with lower educational attainment, contributing to an erosion of the local labour force, decreased attractiveness for investment, and a decline in services. The demographic profile component of the HP Index comprises six indicators: the change in population over five years, population aged under 15 or over 64 years of age, population with primary educational attainment only, population with tertiary educational attainment, households with children aged under 15 years and headed by a single parent, and the mean number of persons per room.
Additionally, the HP Index encompasses social class composition, acknowledging the pervasive influence of social class on various life domains in urban and rural settings. An advantaged social class profile is linked to positive education, health, housing and economic status outcomes. In contrast, areas with weaker profiles face higher unemployment rates and increased vulnerability to economic restructuring. Social class composition is measured by five indicators: population with primary educational attainment, population with tertiary educational attainment, households headed by professionals or managerial and technical employees including farmers with 100 acres or more, households headed by semi-skilled or unskilled manual workers including farmers with fewer than 30 acres, and the mean number of persons per room.
Finally, the HP Index includes the labour market situation, primarily applicable to urban settings, highlighting the impact of unemployment on multiple forms of disadvantage. In addition to the economic hardship that results from the lack of paid employment, young people living in areas with exceptionally high unemployment rates might lack positive role models. Labour market situation is measured by three indicators: households with children aged under 15 years and headed by a single parent, male unemployment rate, and female unemployment rate.
The HP Index offers both absolute and relative scores. Absolute scores are used to measure deprivation over time relative to 2006. For instance, following a long‑term economic crisis, levels of deprivation are expected to increase. Relative scores assess deprivation across regions called Small Areas (SAs). Before 2011, SAs were based on electoral divisions. However, these varied significantly in size, from under 100 to over 32 000 inhabitants. Nowadays, SAs maintain homogeneity in social composition and have a standardised population size, with a minimum of 50 households and averaging just under 100 households. As of 2022, there were 18 919 SAs in Ireland (CSO, 2023[71]). Some census results are published at the SA level and values for the HP Index are also available at street level in Ireland (CSO, n.d.[72]; Pobal, n.d.[73]).
Source: Haase and Pratschke (2017[68]), The 2016 Pobal HP Deprivation Index for Small Areas (SA), https://www.pobal.ie/app/uploads/2018/06/The-2016-Pobal-HP-Deprivation-Index-Introduction-07.pdf (accessed on 30 November 2023).
Refinements of identification model for the inclusion of schools in the DEIS programme in 2022
After further consultation with stakeholders and refinements of the DEIS identification model, 322 schools were added to the DEIS programme in 2022. In total, 966 primary and 235 post‑primary schools were included in the DEIS programme in 2022/23, and 153 712 primary and 103 657 post‑primary students were in DEIS schools. This means that almost a third of schools (29.9% in primary and 32.3% in post‑primary) and around a quarter of students (28.0% in primary and 25.5% in post-primary) are part of the DEIS programme (Figure 1.9).
Figure 1.9. Shares of DEIS schools and students in DEIS schools (2014-2022)
Source: Adapted from Department of Education (2024[1]), OECD Review of resourcing schools to address educational disadvantage: Country Background Report Ireland, https://s3-eu-west-1.amazonaws.com/govieassets/296017/4d1ac422-5475-470e-b910-4c80a83c43bc.pdf.
Further refinements to the model to identify the schools for inclusion were undertaken and led to an expansion of the number of DEIS schools. The new model addresses the shortcomings of the previous version by introducing nuanced criteria. Notably, the model now also accounts for students from areas designated as borderline disadvantaged (Department of Education, 2022[62]). This improves the single cut‑off point of the 2017 version and allows for the disadvantage of schools with high proportions of students from borderline disadvantaged areas to be reflected. Students from regions with an HP Index score of -7.5 and below are grouped based on their level of disadvantage and assigned a weighting to reflect the severity of their relative disadvantage (ibid.):
Weight 2: those with an HP Index score of -20 or below (“very disadvantaged”);
Weight 1: those with an HP Index score between -10 and -20 (“disadvantaged”); and
Weight 0.5: those between -7.5 and -10 (“borderline disadvantaged”).
This allows for the relative severity of disadvantage within an individual school to be reflected in the overall model. Weights are automatically assigned to all students in all schools. The refined identification model considered additional components to reflect the educational disadvantage experienced by specific student groups. Self-identified Traveller and Roma students were factored into the model, acknowledging their unique challenges (Department of Education, 2022[62]). Similarly, students residing in International Protection Accommodation Services (IPAS) centres, Emergency Orientation and Reception Centres (EROC), and those experiencing homelessness were included, utilising available data on state-funded homeless accommodation. These three groups are assigned a disadvantaged weight grouping (ibid.).
The weights of all students are then summed for each school and divided by the total school population, yielding a school-weighted score (Department of Education, 2022[62]). These scores are then standardised relative to their primary and post‑primary score distributions, and schools with scores above a threshold set by the DoE (not publicly available) are considered DEIS (alternative A in Figure 1.10). Additionally, to maintain consistency with the previous iteration of the model, the DoE measured the proportion of students with an HP Index score at or below ‑10 in each school, and schools with proportions of students above a threshold are automatically considered DEIS regardless of their standardised scores (alternative B in Figure 1.10).
Figure 1.10. Illustration of the DEIS school identification process
Source: Department of Education (2022[62]), The Refined DEIS identification model, https://assets.gov.ie/220043/d6b98002-a904-427f-b48a-0fa0af756ea7.pdf (accessed on 30 November 2023).
In the final step, primary schools are divided into DEIS Urban Band 1, DEIS Urban Band 2 and DEIS Rural. DEIS Urban Band 1 schools address relatively higher levels of disadvantage than DEIS Urban Band 2 schools. Designation to DEIS Urban Band 1 is based on whether a school is located in an urban area and publicly unavailable thresholds in the above measures. As a result, these schools are allocated more teachers per student to implement smaller classes. DEIS Urban Band 1 schools are recommended to implement class sizes of 17:1 in junior schools, 19:1 in vertical schools and 21:1 in senior schools (Department of Education, 2023[74])4. Otherwise, on average, primary schools are allocated one classroom teacher for every 23 students (ibid.). Other differences between the bands relate to the allocation of administrative and deputy principals (Table 1.3). Post‑primary schools in the programme are not categorised. Besides smaller classes, supports vary across these measures (Table 1.3). Most notably, HSCL Coordinators are unavailable to DEIS Rural primary schools.
Table 1.3. DEIS supports
Note: The table aims to provide an overview of some of the main supports, not an exhaustive nuanced list. HSCL = Home School Community Liaison (see Chapter 5 for more information). Administrative principals are exempt from teaching duties. The enrolment threshold for appointing a deputy principal (DP) exempt from teaching duties is set at 573 students for other than DEIS Urban Band 1 schools. Chapters 2‑5 provide additional details about these supports.
Source: Department of Education (2023[75]), DEIS Delivering Equality of Opportunity In Schools, https://www.gov.ie/en/policy-information/4018ea-deis-delivering-equality-of-opportunity-in-schools/ (accessed on 1 December 2023).
The programme was evaluated at various points during the DEIS lifespan. While the evaluations cannot provide causal inference (Chapter 6), they, broadly speaking, show that gaps between DEIS and non‑DEIS schools are, in many instances, closing. Some studies indicate an improvement over time in literacy and numeracy test scores of students in DEIS primary schools, with greater increases for literacy than for numeracy (Smyth, McCoy and Kingston, 2015[66]). More recent research comparing gaps between DEIS Urban schools and non‑DEIS urban schools does not show statistically significant changes between 2014 and 2021 (Nelis and Gilleece, 2023[76]). This result can be interpreted positively given the significant learning losses following the COVID‑19 pandemic internationally, particularly affecting disadvantaged students (ibid.). The gap in post-primary schools has also narrowed based on average Junior Certificate grades, although the improvement is not consistent across all subjects (Weir et al., 2014[77]; Weir and Kavanagh, 2018[78]). Several analyses also highlight a substantial social context effect, with variation in the size of this “effect” across the achievement distribution (Flannery, Gilleece and Clavel, 2023[79]). This indicates that the being a student in a school with a high concentration of socio‑economically disadvantaged students has a negative effect on achievement beyond the student’s own socio‑economic status. Beyond student performance, attendance at primary and post‑primary schools has also seen improvements, although the results refer to before the COVID‑19 pandemic (Millar, 2017[80]; Smyth, McCoy and Kingston, 2015[66]). The Inspectorate also evaluated and reported on various aspects of the DEIS programme, including the quality of DEIS action planning process in primary and post-primary schools, and the quality of leadership of DEIS action planning (Department of Education, 2022[81]). Further details are provided in Chapter 6.
Performance of the education system
Ireland has a strong performance in reading, mathematics and science internationally. In primary education, Irish students performed well in mathematics and science in the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) 20195. Fourth-class primary students scored highest among participating EU countries (Perkins and Clerkin, 2020[82]). In regard to science, four EU countries (Finland, Latvia, Lithuania and Sweden) scored significantly higher, eight countries had similar scores and nine countries performed significantly lower than Ireland (ibid.). There have been no significant changes in scores since 2015. Irish fifth-class students also performed above the selected reference countries (Croatia, Lithuania and Northern Ireland (United Kingdom)) in reading in the Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS) 2021 (Delaney et al., 2023[83]).
At the post-primary level, Ireland had the highest mathematics score of all participating EU countries in TIMSS 2019 (second-year post-primary students) (Perkins and Clerkin, 2020[82]). In science, two EU countries (Finland and Lithuania) significantly outperformed Ireland, three countries (Hungary, Portugal and Sweden) achieved similar scores, and four countries (Cyprus, France, Italy and Romania) performed significantly lower than Ireland. There has been no significant change in Ireland’s mean mathematics and science performance since 2015 (ibid.).
More recently, in the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) 2022, students in Ireland scored higher than the OECD average in mathematics, reading and science (OECD, 2023[84]). In fact, Ireland was among the top-performing education systems in mathematics, with only Canada, Estonia, Japan, Korea and Switzerland scoring significantly higher among OECD countries (ibid.). In reading, Ireland was the top‑performing education system in the OECD, at par with Estonia, Japan and Korea. In science, Ireland also scored among the top-performing education systems, with only Canada, Estonia, Finland, Japan and Korea scoring statistically higher (ibid.). Indeed, Ireland consistently outperforms the OECD average and other comparable countries (Figure 1.11). Compared to 2018, average results were down in mathematics, about the same in reading and up in science. Furthermore, in 2022, 19.0% of students scored below the baseline level in mathematics (below Level 2), close to two-thirds the OECD average share of 30.0%. Some 7.2% of students were classed as high performers in mathematics (scoring at Level 5 or above), below the OECD average share of 9.0% (ibid.)
Figure 1.11. Snapshot of performance in PISA (2003-2022)
Note: Caution is required when interpreting estimates for Ireland and the United Kingdom because one or more PISA sampling standards were unmet in 2022 (see Reader’s Guide, Annexes A2 and A4 in OECD (2023[84])). The OECD average includes the following 23 countries: Australia, Belgium, Canada, Czechia, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Korea, Latvia, Mexico, New Zealand, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Sweden and Switzerland. The 2009 PISA cycle is considered to be atypical in Ireland and researchers examined likely reasons for the country’s underperformance (see Cosgrove (2011[85]), Cosgrove and Moran (2011[86]), and Cosgrove and Cartwright (2014[87])).
Source: OECD (2023[84]), PISA 2022 Results (Volume I): The State of Learning and Equity in Education, Tables I.B1.5.4-6, https://doi.org/10.1787/53f23881-en.
Socio-economic differences
A student’s home environment significantly influences educational outcomes due to several factors, such as family income affecting the availability of educational resources and the provision of a conducive study space. As a result, the achievement of socio‑economically advantaged students is higher than that of their disadvantaged peers. This has been confirmed numerous times at primary and post‑primary levels in Ireland based on national and international data using various proxies for socio‑economic status (Cullinan, Denny and Flannery, 2019[88]; Delaney et al., 2023[83]; Donohue et al., 2023[89]; Duggan et al., 2023[90]; Flannery, Gilleece and Clavel, 2023[79]; Gilleece and Nelis, 2023[91]; Kavanagh and Weir, 2018[92]; Nelis and Gilleece, 2023[76]; Weir and Kavanagh, 2018[78]). Ireland, of course, is not the only country with an achievement gap related to social and economic disadvantage. Socio-economic status has long and significantly impacted students’ performance, and inequalities in performance are regularly found in countries participating in international large‑scale assessments. Therefore, a more relevant question might be whether the socio‑economic gap is larger or smaller compared to other countries.
At the primary level, the socio‑economic gap in reading achievement based on PIRLS 2021 was similar to the average gap internationally (88.5 vs. 86.1 points) (Delaney et al., 2023[83]). Similar conclusions can be made when looking at gaps in mathematics and science in the home resources scale in TIMSS 2019 (Mullis et al., 2020[93]). At the post-primary level, the gaps were smaller in international comparisons. Advantaged students (based on the PISA index of economic, social, and cultural status (ESCS)) scored 73.7 points higher than their disadvantaged peers in mathematics in 2022 (OECD, 2023[84]). This gap was smaller than on average across the OECD (93.5 points). In reading, students in the bottom ESCS quartile, indicating the greatest disadvantage, exhibited a mean reading score 75.6 points lower than their counterparts in the top quartile. Again, this difference was narrower in Ireland than the OECD average (93.0 points). Similarly, in science, the difference between the lowest and highest quartiles was 78.2 points, considerably narrower than the OECD average (96.2 points) (ibid.).
In PISA, the socio-economic gradient is also used to examine the relationship between students’ socio‑economic status and performance (OECD, 2023[84]). A stronger association means less fairness (thus, less equity) (ibid.). The strength of the gradient is measured by the proportion of the variation in student performance that is accounted for by differences in student socio‑economic status (Figure 1.12). When the relationship between socio-economic status and performance is strong, socio-economic status predicts performance well. On average across OECD countries in 2022, 15.5% of the variation in mathematics performance within each country was associated with socio-economic status. In addition to having above-average mathematics scores, Ireland exhibited above-average socio-economic fairness (13.0% of the variation in mathematics is associated with socio‑economic status).
Figure 1.12. Strength of socio-economic gradient and mathematics performance
Note: * Caution is required when interpreting estimates because one or more PISA sampling standards were not met (see Reader’s Guide, Annexes A2 and A4 in OECD (2023[84])). The PISA index of economic, social and cultural status measures socio-economic status.
Source: OECD (2023[84]), PISA 2022 Results (Volume I): The State of Learning and Equity in Education, Table I.B1.4.3, https://doi.org/10.1787/53f23881-en.
The HP Index (see Box 1.1) has also been used to compare retention rates at the post‑primary level (Department of Education, 2023[94]). The HP Index categorises areas into eight levels of affluence or disadvantage based on national census data, ranging from extremely affluent to extremely disadvantaged. In the 2016 cohort, most students fell in the middle categories of deprivation. The retention rate for the Leaving Certificate declines from the affluent to the extremely disadvantaged groups. For instance, the affluent group had a 95.6% retention rate, while the extremely disadvantaged group had only a 66.0% retention rate. This pattern was consistent across other educational milestones like Junior Cycle and Transition Year participation (ibid.). The retention rate of Traveller and Roma students is described in the Performance of Traveller and Roma students section.
Differences by DEIS status
As mentioned in the section on the DEIS programme, the key aim of the initiative is to target and support schools with high concentrations of socio‑economically disadvantaged students. Given the robust evidence on how socio‑economic background is associated with performance, illustrated above, it is not unreasonable to expect to see gaps between DEIS and non‑DEIS schools (Gilleece et al., 2020[95]). Such differences must not be interpreted as effects of the DEIS programme. Indeed, more robust evaluations have been undertaken to consider a range of other factors that can impact achievement, and these are summarised in Chapter 6. Nevertheless, simple comparisons between DEIS and non‑DEIS schools are also regularly analysed in Ireland.
At the primary level, DEIS gaps can be observed between non-DEIS urban and DEIS Urban Band 1 schools (Nelis and Gilleece, 2023[76]). According to National Assessments in Mathematics and English Reading (NAMER) 2021, a representative survey of second and sixth-class students, second-class students in non-DEIS urban schools demonstrated a significantly higher mean reading score (265.4) compared to their counterparts in DEIS Urban Band 1 schools (236.9) and DEIS Urban Band 2 schools (252.3) (Figure 1.13). The gaps between the scores of students in non-DEIS urban schools and those in DEIS Urban Band 1 schools were approximately twice as large as the differences between students in non-DEIS urban schools and DEIS Urban Band 2 schools. While there were no significant changes in the scores between 2014 and 2021, this result can be interpreted positively given the significant learning losses following the COVID‑19 pandemic internationally, particularly affecting disadvantaged students (ibid.).
Figure 1.13. Reading and mathematics scores at the primary level (2014 and 2021)
Source: Nelis and Gilleece (2023[76]), Ireland’s National Assessments of Mathematics and English Reading 2021: A focus on achievement in urban DEIS schools, Tables A3.5 and A4.5.
Moreover, in 2021, 43.2% of second-class students in DEIS Urban Band 1 schools had reading scores at or below Level 1 (Nelis and Gilleece, 2023[76]). This suggests that the target in the DEIS Plan, which set out for the percentage of low achievers (students performing at or below Level 1) to be at 40%, was not met (Department of Education, 2017[26]). Furthermore, 25.0% of second-class students in DEIS Urban Band 1 schools had reading scores at or above Level 3 (high achievers) (Nelis and Gilleece, 2023[76]). The corresponding target for high achievers in DEIS Urban Band 1 schools in the DEIS Plan was 25.0%, suggesting that this target was met (Department of Education, 2017[26]; Nelis and Gilleece, 2023[76]).
Sixth-class primary students’ performance in mathematics based on NAMER 2021 followed a similar pattern. Students in non-DEIS urban schools had a significantly higher score (262.3) than their counterparts in DEIS Urban Band 1 schools (233.3) and a higher score (albeit not significantly) than their counterparts in DEIS Urban Band 2 schools (251.9) (Figure 1.13 above) (Nelis and Gilleece, 2023[76]). The change between 2014 and 2021 was statistically insignificant (ibid.). While the gap in average mathematics achievement between non-DEIS urban and DEIS Urban Band 1 schools was very similar in 2021 and 2014 (about 30 points in both cycles), the gap between non-DEIS urban and DEIS Urban Band 2 schools narrowed from a 23.4-point gap to a 10.4-point gap. The change was not statistically significant (ibid.).
Moreover, 48.6% of sixth-class students in DEIS Urban Band 1 schools had mathematics scores at or below Level 1 (low achievers) (Nelis and Gilleece, 2023[76]). This suggests that the target set out in the DEIS Plan, which aimed to reduce the percentage of low achievers in mathematics to 42%, was not met (Department of Education, 2017[26]; Nelis and Gilleece, 2023[76]). Moreover, 22.4% of students in DEIS Urban Band 1 schools had scores at or above Level 3 – a value below the target of 27% (ibid.).
Similar comparisons can be made using international large-scale assessments. In PIRLS 2021, similar to the NAMER results discussed above, students in DEIS Urban Band 1 achieved lower scores than their peers in non-DEIS schools (Delaney et al., 2023[83]). Students in DEIS Urban Band 2 also scored lower than their peers in non-DEIS schools. PIRLS also reports on DEIS Rural schools, whose results did not differ significantly from any of the other three groups (ibid.). In TIMSS, non-DEIS primary schools outperformed DEIS schools in mathematics and science in 2011, 2015 and 2019 (Duggan et al., 2023[90]).
In post‑primary education, approximately one-fifth (21.0%) of PISA 2022 students attended DEIS Post‑primary schools (Donohue et al., 2023[89]). They achieved a significantly lower score in mathematics than their peers in non‑DEIS schools by 35.6 points (ibid.). Similar results hold for reading, where the gap stood at 37.3 points, and science, with a 39.7 points difference. Students in DEIS schools achieved significantly higher reading results than the OECD average and non-significantly lower results in mathematics and science (ibid.).
While comparisons with previous PISA cycles are challenging, the broad results that non-DEIS schools outperform DEIS schools have been observed for a long time (Gilleece et al., 2020[95]). However, until 2018, students in both DEIS and non-DEIS schools also saw a substantial improvement in reading scores, with a respective increase of 39.2 and 19.6 points between 2009 and 2018 (ibid.)6. As such, there is some evidence of a narrowing of the achievement gap in reading between students in DEIS and non-DEIS post‑primary schools over time. While in 2009, the difference in mean reading scores between DEIS and non-DEIS schools was about 70 points, the gap was about 50 points in 2015 and 2018 (ibid.). The DEIS achievement gap in mathematics decreased between 2012 and 2018 (from 60 to 44 points), although the difference was not statistically significant (ibid.). There were no significant changes in science performance for students in DEIS and non-DEIS schools between cycles until 2018 (ibid.).
Narrowing of the achievement gap between DEIS and non-DEIS post‑primary schools has also been observed in administrative records. Based on the Junior Certificate Examinations (JCE) overall performance scale (OPS), the mean OPS score in DEIS schools stood at 10.5 points lower than that in non-DEIS schools in 2002 (Weir and Kavanagh, 2018[78]). In 2016, the gap was 8.4 points. The average annual rate of increase in non‑DEIS schools from 2002 to 2016 was 0.19 OPS points, significantly lower than in DEIS schools (0.33 points per year), representing a narrowing of the gap in JCE achievement between DEIS and non‑DEIS schools (ibid.).
In administrative data, possession of a medical card has sometimes been used as a proxy for socio‑economic status7. This indicator has also been interacted with the DEIS status and to observe differences in OPS over time (Weir and Kavanagh, 2018[78]). Gaps between medical card holders and others are visible in 2007 and 2016 in both DEIS and non-DEIS post‑primary schools (Table 1.4). The differences are larger in non-DEIS schools in both years. From 2007 to 2016, the largest increases in average OPS scores were among medical card-holding students in DEIS schools. The smallest increase in mean OPS scores was among non-medical card-holding students in non-DEIS schools (ibid.).
Table 1.4. Mean overall performance scores by DEIS status and medical card holders (2007 and 2016)
Note: Overall performance score involves the allocation of numerical values to the alphabetical grades (A-F) awarded to Junior Certificate Examinations candidates in individual subjects (Kellaghan and Dwan, 1995[96]). Summing these values produce an index of a candidate’s general scholastic achievement. It is based on a students’ performance in the seven subjects in which they performed the best. The maximum possible score is 84 (which is achieved by a student who is awarded seven A grades), while the lowest possible score is 0 (where a student does not achieve at least a grade F on any of their best seven papers). Medical card holders can get certain health services free of charge. Additionally, they receive an examination fee waiver (Weir and Kavanagh, 2018[78]). To qualify for a medical card, the income must be below a specific figure for the family size (Citizens Information, 2023[97]).
Source: Weir and Kavanagh (2018[78]), The evaluation of DEIS at post-primary level: closing the achievement and attainment gaps, Table 5.
In regard to retention rates at the post‑primary level, for the 2016 cohort, the rate for the Junior Certificate was 95.7% in DEIS schools, slightly lower than 98.1% in non‑DEIS schools (Department of Education, 2023[94]). For the Leaving Certificate, the rate stood at 85.0% in DEIS schools compared to 93.4% in non‑DEIS schools, indicating a larger gap in retention rates. The most considerable loss of students from the education system occurs between the fifth and sixth post‑primary years for non-DEIS schools and from the sixth year to the examination period for DEIS schools. The DEIS gap in retention rates for the Leaving Certificate has decreased from 15.6 percentage points for the 2010 cohort to 7.6 points for the 2015 cohort, rising slightly to 8.4 points for the 2016 cohort (ibid.).
Gender differences
Gender differences have been extensively studied in Ireland. What follows is a very brief selection of some of the most recent work rather than a comprehensive overview. At the primary level, based on NAMER 2021 data, second-class girls achieved significantly higher results than boys in reading in DEIS Urban Band 1 and non-DEIS schools (Nelis and Gilleece, 2023[76]). No significant differences were found in DEIS Urban Band 2 schools. In mathematics, in the sixth class, boys outperformed girls in all types of DEIS/non‑DEIS schools (Figure 1.14). However, the gender difference in mean mathematics scores in DEIS Urban Band 1 schools was not statistically significant. Gender differences in DEIS Urban Band 2 schools were more marked and nearly twice as large as the gender difference in non-DEIS urban schools. These results align with those observed in NAMER 2014 (ibid.).
Figure 1.14. Gender differences at primary level (2021)
Source: Nelis and Gilleece (2023[76]), Ireland’s National Assessments of Mathematics and English Reading 2021: A focus on achievement in urban DEIS schools, Tables A3.4 and A4.4.
Gender gaps persist into the post-primary level. Boys aged 15 scored higher than same‑aged girls in mathematics in PISA 2022 (497.8 vs. 485.1 points) (Donohue et al., 2023[89]). This gender gap was significantly larger than the average OECD gap. However, while a similar proportion of boys and girls performed below Level 2 in the assessment, a substantially higher percentage of boys performed at or above Level 5 (9.6%) compared to girls (4.7%), a pattern observed in many other countries and previous cycles (Donohue et al., 2023[89]; Shiel et al., 2022[98]). Boys have consistently outperformed girls in PISA mathematics since 2012, although the 2018 gap was insignificant (Donohue et al., 2023[89]).
In reading, girls outperformed boys by 18.3 points in 2022, a significantly smaller gender gap than the OECD average of 24.2 points (Donohue et al., 2023[89]). A substantially greater proportion of boys performed below proficiency Level 2 in reading. At or above Level 5, there were no significant differences. The gender gap in reading literacy achievement has widened between 2015 and 2022 (ibid.).
Finally, boys achieved a mean score of 506.6 in science, while girls achieved a mean score of 501.0 (Donohue et al., 2023[89]). The difference of 5.6 points was not significant. Similar percentages of boys (16.1%) and girls (15.0%) performed below the baseline level of proficiency in science (Level 2), but a significantly greater percentage of boys (9.5%) achieved at Levels 5-6 compared to girls (5.5%) (ibid.).
Gender gaps in the PISA 2018 cycle have also been analysed in reference to the DEIS status (Gilleece et al., 2020[95]). Gender differences (in favour of girls) in reading in DEIS and non-DEIS post‑primary schools were statistically significant. In mathematics, the gender gap (in favour of boys) was only significant in non‑DEIS schools. In science, the difference was not statistically significant (ibid.).
In administrative datasets, girls outperformed boys by approximately the same magnitude in DEIS and non-DEIS schools at the start of the DEIS programme in 2007 (Weir and Kavanagh, 2018[78]).8 Since then, the gender gap in DEIS schools remained stable until 2016 and widened marginally in non-DEIS schools. Furthermore, the gap between girls in non-DEIS and DEIS schools has narrowed since the introduction of the programme, as has the gap between boys in non-DEIS and DEIS schools (ibid.). Researchers have also pointed to a greater impact of the “social context effect” amongst boys and the fact that social class interacts with gender in important ways (Sofroniou, Archer and Weir, 2004[99]). As such, neither boys nor girls are homogenous groups (Nelis and Gilleece, 2023[76]).
Differences by immigrant background
In the last decades, Ireland has witnessed a significant increase in migration, leading to heightened academic interest and the formulation of policies centred around integrating migrants. Even though most immigrants have European origins, census data reveal a significant rise in the number and proportion of individuals identifying with an ethnicity other than white Irish between 2011 and 2016 (CSO, 2023[100]). Language diversity among individuals with an immigrant background is also notable, with a substantial percentage indicating languages other than English or Irish spoken at home (CSO, 2023[101]).
Naturally, this type of diversity permeates the education system, with a higher proportion of non-Irish nationals in DEIS primary schools and a higher proportion of non-Irish-born students in DEIS Post‑primary schools in 2015/16 (Department of Education, 2017[102]). Students with Irish-born parents were also more likely to attend non-DEIS primary schools (Darmody, McGinnity and Russell, 2022[103]). In the second class at the primary level, the percentages of students born outside Ireland ranged from 12.4% to 21.9%, with a higher share in DEIS Urban Band 2 schools than DEIS Urban Band 1 or non-DEIS urban schools (Gilleece and Nelis, 2023[91]). In the sixth class, the shares ranged from 8.0% in non‑DEIS urban to 17.3% in DEIS Urban Band 2 schools (ibid.). The share of students who spoke a language other than English or Irish at home increased from 6-9% (depending on class level) in 2007 to 13-17% in 2016 in DEIS Urban primary schools (Kavanagh and Weir, 2018[92]). The shares were similar for DEIS Urban Band 1 and 2 schools (ibid.). In 2021, the share of students who never spoke English at home ranged from 2.9% to 9.1%, depending on the DEIS type and primary school class (Gilleece and Nelis, 2023[91]). DEIS Urban Band 2 schools had the highest percentages and non-DEIS urban schools had the lowest (ibid.). Naturally, enrolment of students with an immigrant background in particular schools is often influenced by housing policy and availability.
At the post-primary level, 17.4% of 15-year-old students had an immigrant background in PISA 2022, compared to 12.9% on average across OECD countries (Donohue et al., 2023[89]). Eight percent of students in Ireland were first‑generation immigrant students, while 9.4% were second-generation students (ibid.). As in other countries, Irish students with an immigrant background were socio‑economically more disadvantaged compared to their native peers (ibid.). At the post‑primary level, the percentages of first‑generation students were similar in DEIS and non-DEIS post‑primary schools (10%), and the percentages of second‑generation immigrants were slightly higher in non‑DEIS schools (8% vs 7%) in 2018 (Nelis and Gilleece, 2023[76]). Similar percentages of students in DEIS (15%) and non-DEIS schools (11%) were reported by principals to have first languages other than English or Irish (ibid.).
Students who spoke a language other than English or Irish at home exhibited notable variations in academic achievement. Research based on NAMER 2021 data showed that those born in Ireland achieved higher reading results in non-DEIS urban primary schools in the second class (Gilleece and Nelis, 2023[91]). In contrast, those born in Ireland had a lower average mathematics score in the sixth class in DEIS Urban Band 1 schools (ibid.). The same data also showed that, on the one hand, more frequent use of English at home was associated with higher reading scores in the second class, on the other hand, the reverse was true for sixth-class students and mathematics scores. Other sources revealed that English language achievement of children aged 3 and 5 was lower for those having two parents who were non‑native English speakers, regardless of the country of origin (Darmody, McGinnity and Russell, 2022[103]). Indeed, at the age of three, 60% of children with both parents born abroad were in the bottom quintile of English language/reading achievement, compared to 20% overall. However, at the age of nine, 28% of children with both parents born abroad were in this lowest quintile, compared to 20% overall (ibid.). Those who had one parent who was a native English speaker or foreign-born did not differ from children whose both parents were native English speakers or foreign‑born (ibid.).
Despite the positive developments, gaps persist. Across all primary classes, students who spoke a language other than English or Irish often had lower average reading achievement than their peers (Kavanagh and Weir, 2018[92]; McGinnity, Darmody and Murray, 2015[104]). However, in mathematics, these students outperformed their peers in all classes except second, where the difference was negligible (Kavanagh and Weir, 2018[92]). Multilevel models that considered factors such as student background, home climate, student attitudes and aspirations, and the school context indicate that students who spoke a language other than English or Irish at home had significantly lower reading scores, although the results were not universal (Kavanagh and Weir, 2018[92]; McGinnity, Darmody and Murray, 2015[104]). Analyses of NAMER 2009 and 2014 mathematics results show that students born outside of Ireland underperformed those born in the country. However, the differences disappeared once students' socio‑economic background and other factors were considered (Karakolidis et al., 2021[105]).
At the post-primary level, 15-year-old students with an immigrant background scored significantly lower in mathematics and reading based on PISA 2022 results (non‑significant difference for science) (OECD, 2023[84]). However, the differences disappeared once socio‑economic background and language spoken at home were accounted for (Figure 1.15). The differences were also smaller compared to the OECD average.
Figure 1.15. Mathematics performance by immigrant background (2022)
Score-point difference in mathematics performance associated with an immigrant background
Note: * Caution is required when interpreting estimates because one or more PISA sampling standards were not met (see Reader’s Guide, Annexes A2 and A4 in OECD (2023[84])). The PISA index of economic, social and cultural status measures the socio-economic profile. Statistically significant differences are shown in darker tones.
Countries are ranked in ascending order of the difference before accounting for students’ socio‑economic status and language spoken at home.
Source: OECD (2023[84]), PISA 2022 Results (Volume I): The State of Learning and Equity in Education, Table I.B1.7.52, https://doi.org/10.1787/53f23881-en.
Performance of Traveller and Roma students
The “Traveller community” in Ireland is defined as “the community of people who are commonly called Travellers and who are identified (both by themselves and others) as people with a shared history, culture and traditions including, historically, a nomadic way of life on the island of Ireland” (Government of Ireland, 2000, p. 7[106]). In 2022, 32 949 Irish Travellers were residing in the country, an increase of 6% from 2016 (CSO, 2023[107]). Irish Travellers were younger, with an average age of 27 compared to 39 in the general population (ibid.). However, they face several disadvantages. For instance, 15% of Travellers experienced “a long-lasting condition or difficulty to a great extent” (e.g. disability), nearly twice the rate for the total population (ibid.). Furthermore, infant mortality, suicide and incarceration rates were higher and labour force participation rates were lower among Travellers than in the general population (CSO, 2023[108]; Department of Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth, 2017[109]).
“Roma community” is not formally defined, but it is made up of persons of Romanian, Hungarian, Slovakian, Polish and Czech origin (Department of Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth, 2017[109]). There are no official statistics on the number of Roma in Ireland, but it is estimated to be in the region of 3 000-5 000 (ibid.).
Irish Travellers' education level remained below that of the general population in 2016. Just 13.3% of Traveller women were educated to upper secondary or above compared to 69.1% in the general population (CSO, 2023[108]). Moreover, nearly six in ten Traveller men (57.2%) were educated at the primary level compared to one in ten men in the general population (13.6%) (ibid.). Fewer than 2% of Traveller men and women attained a bachelor’s degree or higher, much lower than 25.5% and 30.8% of men and women in the general population, respectively (ibid.). Irish Travellers also experienced higher absence and early school leaving rates, often stemming from negative experiences (e.g. bullying) at school (Department of Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth, 2017[109]).
Traveller students also tend to be enrolled more often in DEIS schools. While around a quarter (27.5%) of students attended DEIS schools overall in 2022/23, almost three-quarters of Traveller students attended DEIS schools (74.0%) (Table 1.5). Evidence from other sources also shows that Traveller and Roma students were more likely to attend DEIS Urban Band 1 DEIS primary schools serving the most disadvantaged communities (Smyth, McCoy and Kingston, 2015[66]). Moreover, Traveller and Roma students constituted a relatively high proportion of students in DEIS Post‑primary schools (Department of Education, 2023[110]; Smyth, McCoy and Kingston, 2015[66]).
However, the presence of Traveller students in DEIS schools is not necessarily a matter of choice but reflects the socio-economic and other factors considered for inclusion in the DEIS programme. As elaborated in the section on the DEIS programme, the identification for inclusion recognises the educational disadvantage of Traveller and Roma students. Therefore, schools with Traveller and Roma students living in their catchment areas are more likely to be in the programme.
Table 1.5. Traveller students in primary schools (2022/23)
Source: Department of Education (2024[1]), OECD Review of resourcing schools to address educational disadvantage: Country Background Report Ireland, Department of Education, Dublin, Ireland, https://s3-eu-west-1.amazonaws.com/govieassets/296017/4d1ac422-5475-470e-b910-4c80a83c43bc.pdf.
Other educational outcomes of Traveller and Roma students also present significant disparities when compared to their counterparts. Based on a sample of DEIS Urban primary schools across all grade levels, average reading and mathematics scores of Traveller students consistently lagged behind those of their peers (Kavanagh and Weir, 2018[92]). The achievement gaps were notable, ranging from 10 standard score points in second‑class mathematics to over 14 points in fifth-class reading and mathematics (Table 1.6). Multilevel models that accounted for various factors, such as student background, home climate, student attitudes and aspirations, and school context, reveal a 5.7-point disadvantage in reading and a 4.4-point disadvantage in mathematics (ibid.).
Table 1.6. Reading and mathematics scores of Traveller students at primary schools (2016)
Note: The scores of students from the Traveller community should be interpreted with caution given that the numbers of students involved were very small and that Traveller students were not explicitly sampled to be representative of the population.
Source: Kavanagh and Weir (2018[92]), The evaluation of DEIS: the lives and learning of urban primary school pupils, 2007-2016, Table 4.4.
At the post‑primary level, gaps persist, although they have improved over time (Department of Education, 2023[94]). The retention rate for Junior Certificate stood at 72.2% for the 2016 Traveller cohort, compared to the national average of 97.6%. The rate for Leaving Certificate was 31.4% for Traveller students, a much lower share than 91.7% in the national average. Retention rates have improved over time for Traveller students, rising from 64.4% to 72.2% and from 21.9% to 31.4% for the 2010 and 2016 Junior and Leaving Certificate cohorts, respectively (ibid.).
The Traveller and Roma community’s lower educational outcomes underscore the need for sustained support within the education system. As elaborated in Chapter 2, many of these issues are addressed in the National Traveller and Roma Inclusion Strategy 2017 – 2021 (Department of Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth, 2017[109]). The establishment of the Travellers and Roma Education Fund also acknowledges these educational disparities and seeks to address them (Department of Education, 2024[1]). Moreover, the DoE established the Supporting Traveller and Roma (STAR) pilot project to target attendance, participation and retention, and school completion in Traveller and Roma communities (see Chapter 5).
Well-being outcomes
Recent Irish educational policy has emphasised the importance of student well-being, both in DEIS and non-DEIS schools (Department of Education and Skills, 2019[111]). This priority is reflected in the well‑being elements in Aistear, the Early Years Curriculum Framework, as part of the provision for Early Learning and Care, in the Social, Personal and Health Education curriculum at the primary level and in Junior Cycle Wellbeing curriculum. In the quality framework underpinning school self‑evaluation and the work of the Inspectorate, student well-being has also been recognised “both as an outcome of learning and as an enabler of learning” (Department of Education, 2022, p. 9[112]). As part of the school self-evaluation process, schools must also review the promotion of well-being (Department of Education, 2023[113]).
Well‑being outcomes were generally better in Ireland than on average across OECD countries. In 2022, 81% of 15-year-old students in Ireland reported making friends easily at school (OECD average 76%), although only 71% felt they belonged at school (OECD average 75%) (OECD, 2023[27]). Meanwhile, 14% reported feeling lonely at school, and 14% like an outsider or left out of things at school (OECD average 16% and 17%) (ibid.).
Students’ satisfaction with life has declined in many countries over recent years, but not in Ireland. In 2022, 19% of Irish 15‑year-old students reported being unsatisfied with their lives (OECD, 2023[27]). In 2018, about the same percentage of students were unsatisfied with life (18%). On average across OECD countries, the proportion of students who were not satisfied with life increased from 11% in 2015 to 16% in 2018 and 18% in 2022 (ibid.).
Some 13% of 15-year-old girls and 19% of boys reported being the victim of bullying acts at least a few times a month (OECD average 20% of girls and 21% of boys) (OECD, 2023[27]). On average across OECD countries, fewer students were exposed to bullying in 2022 compared to 2018. For example, only 7% of students reported that other students spread nasty rumours about them in 2022, compared to 11% in 2018. In Ireland, the corresponding proportions also shrank (4% in 2022 compared to 8% in 2018) (ibid.). Disadvantaged students and students with an immigrant background were more likely to be bullied on average across OECD countries, but not so in Ireland (Figure 1.16).
Figure 1.16. Bullying at school (2022)
Percentage of 15-year-old students who reported being bullied at least a few times a month
Note: * Caution is required when interpreting estimates because one or more PISA sampling standards were not met (see Reader’s Guide, Annexes A2 and A4 in OECD (2023[84])). A socio-economically disadvantaged student is a student in the bottom quarter of the PISA index of economic, social and cultural status (ESCS) in their own country.
Countries are ranked in ascending order of the overall percentage of students who reported being bullied at least a few times a month.
Source: OECD (2023[27]), PISA 2022 Results (Volume II): Learning During – and From – Disruption, Tables II.B1.3.30-31, https://doi.org/10.1787/a97db61c-en.
Researchers have also looked at well‑being outcomes by DEIS status. In PISA 2018, there was no statistically significant difference between the mean scores of students in DEIS and non-DEIS schools on overall meaning in life (Nelis et al., 2021[114]). Similarly, there were no significant differences in other measures of well‑being at primary and post‑primary levels, such as a sense of belonging and bullying (Gilleece and Nelis, 2023[91]; Nelis and Gilleece, 2023[76]; Nelis et al., 2021[114]). However, upcoming research based on longitudinal data reveals that the socio‑emotional well‑being of students who attended DEIS Urban Band 1 schools at the primary level and followed on to DEIS Post‑primary schools demonstrated higher levels of emotional difficulties, conduct problems, hyperactivity and peer problems (Smyth, Forthcoming[115]). Moving from a non-DEIS primary school into a DEIS Post-primary school was also associated with higher levels of conduct problems and hyperactivity (ibid.). Moreover, some student groups, such as individuals with an immigrant background, differ in their well-being. Children with parents from Australia, Canada, the United States and western Europe, compared to children with Irish parents, had lower self-concept scores despite accounting for other factors linked to child well-being (Darmody, McGinnity and Russell, 2022[103]).
Selected outcomes beyond post-primary education
Transition to further and higher education in Ireland differs by DEIS status (Figure 1.17). In 2021, progression to higher education stood at 43% in DEIS schools and 69% non‑DEIS schools, a gap of 26 percentage points (at approximately the same level as in 2015 (28 percentage points)). In contrast, progression to further education and training was higher in DEIS schools (29%) than non-DEIS schools (21%) in 2020.
Figure 1.17. Transitions from post-primary education (2015-2021)
Source: Department of Education (2023[116]), Education Indicators for Ireland: February 2023, https://assets.gov.ie/246552/96fc2eb5-b7c9-4a17-afbc-de288a471b3f.pdf (accessed on 1 December 2023).
The early leaving from education and training (ELET) rate9 has evolved positively over the past decade in Ireland. The ELET rate has dropped from 8.7% in 2013 to 3.7% in 2022 (Eurostat, 2023[117]). Ireland had the second lowest ELET rate among EU countries after Croatia in 2022 (ibid.). However, ELET affects specific groups and geographical areas, such as students from disadvantaged areas and disadvantaged socio‑economic backgrounds, Traveller and Roma young people, and individuals with an immigrant background (European Commission, Directorate-General for Education, Youth, Sport and Culture, Donlevy, Day, Andriescu, et al., 2019[118]). Many areas with high ELET rates are also deprived inner city regions, urban areas or sub‑urban areas with limited resources and amenities (ibid.). While ELET rates have decreased substantially, those learners who left early often have more complex and acute needs (ibid.).
In international comparison, the Irish population had a higher proportion of tertiary educated and a lower proportion of low‑educated people in 2022. Ireland had 54.4% of 25‑64 year‑olds tertiary educated in 2022, above the OECD average of 40.4% (OECD, 2023[29]). A third (33.2%) of the population attained upper secondary or post‑secondary non‑tertiary education (40.2% on average across the OECD), and 12.4% had lower secondary education or below (19.4% on average across the OECD). As in other OECD countries, women were generally better educated than men: 58.1% of women and 50.5% of men attained tertiary education (ibid.).
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Notes
← 1. The programme is available to all children who have turned two years and eight months before 31 August provided they will not turn five years and six months on or before 30 June of the programme year.
← 2. LCA students can also progress onto Further Education Post Leaving Certificate (PLC) courses, Apprenticeships & Traineeships, the Gardai (national police and security service) and the Defence Forces. LCA students do not have direct access to higher education and must either complete a PLC course or a pre-university access course to progress (CareersPortal, n.d.[119]).
← 3. Junior Certificate has now been replaced with Junior Cycle.
← 4. Junior schools are primary schools with classes from Junior Infants to second, senior schools from third to sixth, and vertical schools have classes from Junior Infants to sixth.
← 5. TIMSS 2023 results will be available in December 2024.
← 6. The 2009 PISA cycle is considered to be atypical in Ireland and researchers examined likely reasons for the country’s underperformance (see Cosgrove (2011[85]), Cosgrove and Moran (2011[86]), and Cosgrove and Cartwright (2014[87])).
← 7. Medical card holders can get certain health services free of charge. Additionally, they receive an examination fee waiver (Weir and Kavanagh, 2018[78]). To qualify for a medical card, the income must be below a certain figure for the family size (Citizens Information, 2023[97]).
← 8. Based on Junior Certificate Examinations overall performance scale.
← 9. Early leaver from education and training refers to a person aged 18 to 24 who has completed at most lower secondary education and is not involved in further education or training (Eurostat, 2022[120]). It is expressed as a percentage out of the total population aged 18 to 24 (ibid.).