SIGI 2021 Regional Report for Africa

Report

Social Institutions and Gender Index

2 December 2021

1. The Social Institutions and Gender Index in the African region

Abstract

This chapter presents an overview of the results of the Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI) for the African region based on four dimensions: “Discrimination in the family”, “Restricted physical integrity”, “Restricted access to productive and financial resources”, and “Restricted civil liberties”. It summarises the main areas of progress and challenges regarding formal and informal laws, social norms and practices related to gender equality in 54 African countries. It also assesses the impacts of discriminatory social institutions on three key dimensions of women’s empowerment: physical integrity, economic situation, and political voice, leadership and agency. Building on evidence uncovered by the SIGI and as a result of consultations with key stakeholders, this chapter provides tailored policy recommendations to enhance efforts by African governments to deliver on gender equality commitments and to make progress towards achieving SDG 5 of Agenda 2030 and Aspiration 6 of the African Union’s Agenda 2063.

Social Institutions and Gender Index overview

Since its first edition in 2009, the OECD’s Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI) has been defining, measuring and highlighting deeply rooted discrimination and obstacles faced by women and girls in different regions of the world. Social institutions include laws, social norms and practices that delineate legally and socially acceptable ways to think, do, express or act in relation to gender. When these social institutions discriminate against women and girls, they establish multiple structural barriers which span and affect the life course of women and girls. In this regard, discriminatory social institutions influence an individual’s set of rights and opportunities depending on their gender.

The SIGI looks at the gaps that legislation, attitudes and practices create between women and men in terms of rights and opportunities. It covers four dimensions spanning major socio-economic areas that affect the entire lifetimes of women and girls:

“Discrimination in the family” (DF) captures social institutions that limit women’s decision-making power and undervalues their status in the household and the family.
“Restricted physical integrity” (RPI) captures social institutions that increase women’s and girls’ vulnerability to a range of forms of violence and limit women’s control over their bodies and reproductive autonomy.
“Restricted access to productive and financial resources” (RAPFR) captures women’s restricted access to and control over critical productive and economic resources and assets.
“Restricted civil liberties” (RCL) captures discriminatory laws and practices restricting women’s access, participation and voice in the public and social spheres.

SIGI results at the regional level

As the results from the SIGI 2021 Regional Report for Africa show, African women face the highest level of discrimination in terms of laws, social norms and practices compared to women in other regions of the world (OECD, 2019[1]). The SIGI results and scores provide an overview of ongoing progress and persistent obstacles in the region since 2014 across the above four dimensions. The region overall scored 40 on the SIGI, indicating a high level of discrimination in social institutions as well as a need for political engagement and investments to strengthen progress towards gender equality and women’s empowerment. Africa is closely followed by Asia with a score of 36, while Latin America and the Caribbean achieve a score of 27 and North America and Europe respectively attain a score of 18 and 17 (Figure 1.1).

Figure 1.1. African women face the highest level of discrimination in social institutions compared with their peers in the rest of the world

SIGI scores in Africa and selected regions of the world, 2019

South Africa is the continent’s top performer, with a low level of discrimination and an overall SIGI score of 22. Yet, at the global level, the country ranks 48th out of 120 countries, underscoring the need for African countries to intensify their efforts to eliminate the discriminatory social institutions faced by women and girls. South Africa is closely followed by Mozambique (24) and Namibia (27), which also exhibit low levels of discrimination. South Africa’s relatively good performance stems primarily from strong legislative frameworks regarding inheritance, household responsibilities, violence against women, including legislation on domestic violence, harassment and workplace rights. However, discriminatory social norms, attitudes and practices still prevail and continue to hold women back. One issue for concern is that on average, 61% of South African women and girls still hold attitudes justifying the use of domestic violence compared to 47% at the regional level. Moreover, South Africans maintain negative views on women’s paid employment outside of the home, and 54% of the population believes that children will suffer when mothers work. The burden of unpaid care and domestic work represents an obstacle to women’s full inclusion in the labour market. In 2017, South African women spent, on average, nearly three times more time than men did on unpaid care and domestic work.

SIGI results at the sub-regional level

Notwithstanding wide variations among African countries, the level of discrimination in social institutions at the sub-regional level ranges from medium to high. Southern Africa fares the best, with a medium level of discrimination and an overall score of 32 compared to the other African sub-regions: North Africa (49), Central Africa (44), West Africa (44) and East Africa (39) (Figure 1.2).

Figure 1.2. Sub-regions in Africa display medium to high levels of discrimination in social institutions

SIGI scores in African sub-regions

Southern Africa’s relatively good performance stems largely from a low level of discrimination in the “Restricted physical integrity” dimension and a medium level of discrimination in the “Restricted access to productive and financial resources dimension” (Figure 1.3).

Discrimination in the family remains the most challenging dimension in Africa

In Africa, the highest levels of discrimination in social institutions are found in the family sphere, a finding that reflects the persistence of deep-rooted unequal power relations between women and men within the household. The continent presents a high level of discrimination in the dimension “Discrimination in the family”, which covers child marriage, household responsibilities, inheritance and divorce, with a score of 56, exceeding the global average of 44 and trailing behind Asia (53) and Latin America and the Caribbean (31). Discrimination in this dimension varies widely across the African continent. North Africa has the highest score (73) followed by West Africa and East Africa (59) denoting high levels of discrimination in social institutions governing intra-household dynamics in these three sub-regions (Figure 1.3 and Figure 1.4). These high scores reflect discriminatory and inadequate legal frameworks, which fail to legally protect girls from marriage before the age of 18 years, as well as the co-existence and application of customary and informal laws – which are not aligned with civil law – limiting women’s rights to divorce and to claim inherited property and assets. Moreover, women continue to undertake the bulk of unpaid care and domestic work. In 2017, in the 23 countries1 with available data, on average, African women spent four times more time on unpaid care and domestic work than their male counterparts compared to three times as much time on unpaid care and domestic work at the global level (OECD, 2019[3]). The COVID-19 pandemic has increased the demand for care work in families where the workload already falls on women’s and girls’ shoulders. This increased burden of unpaid care and domestic work significantly limits women’s ability to participate in productive activities, run businesses, study and rest, with consequent effects on their mental and physical health (UN Women and UNFPA, 2021[4])

Figure 1.4. High levels of discrimination in the family obstruct gender equality in Africa

SIGI scores for the indicators of the “Discrimination in the family” dimension

There are also considerable variations in the level of discrimination for this dimension across the 53 countries that were2 SIGI values range from low to very high levels of discrimination in the family sphere. On the positive side, Sao Tome and Principe is the region’s top performer for this dimension with a score of 16, followed by Côte d'Ivoire (30), Mozambique (32) and Namibia (33), which exhibit medium levels of discrimination. Sao Tome and Principe has a strong legal framework that allows women to take decisions within the household, provides them with the same legal basis as men to initiate divorce proceedings, and establishes equal inheritance rights for widows and daughters.

Since 2009, child marriage rates have decreased in many African countries, but progress has been uneven across the continent

Child marriage is the indicator with the lowest level of discrimination in the “Discrimination in the family” dimension. Africa overall presents medium levels of discrimination in the “Child marriage” indicator, with a score of 41, which is five points above the global average. Scores range from 30 in North Africa to 46 in West Africa, highlighting the fact that, in 2017, 39 African countries had legal loopholes which allowed girls to be married before the age of 18 years with parental and or judicial consent. However, recent legal reforms supporting the alignment of domestic legal frameworks with international conventions could pave the way towards the elimination of child marriage. For example, in 2019 Côte d'Ivoire passed a law setting the minimum legal age of marriage at 18 years for women and men (see Chapter 2 for more details).

Since the last decade, the prevalence of child marriage has gradually decreased around the world and across African countries. From 2009 to 2018, the prevalence of child marriage declined by seven percentage points in Africa compared to five percentage points in Asia3 (OECD, 2019[3]). In sub-Saharan Africa, it decreased from 32% to 25% over the same period. However, in Central and West Africa, the sub-regions with the highest child marriage rates, advances to eradicate this harmful practice has been among the slowest at the global level (UNICEF, 2018[5]). On average, 23% of African women between the ages of 15 and 19 years are married, divorced or widowed, compared with 16% globally. Despite these efforts, child marriage remains a dominant problem in some sub-regions in Africa. While child marriage rates remain relatively low in North Africa (11%), it remains a concern in Central (26%) and West Africa (29%). Reported child marriage rates range from around 1% in Libya to 62% in Niger, the highest level in the world, together with the Central African Republic (61%) and Mali (44%).

In some African countries, discriminatory social institutions still perpetuate women’s subordinate status and limit their ability to take decisions within the household

Women’s restricted rights over household headship and parental authority highlight the persistence of discriminatory gender stereotypes within the family sphere. The African region scores 68 for the “Household responsibilities” indicator, indicating a high level of discrimination in social institutions. This value is aligned with the global (59) and other regional averages for this indicator. Cabo Verde, Sao Tome and Principe, and Rwanda all display low levels of discrimination for the “Household responsibilities” indicator, implying that women have an equal right to be heads of household and possess the same legal decision-making abilities as men with regard to children during marriage. However, in these countries, customary, religious and traditional laws or practices discriminate against this formal equality. In Cabo Verde, discriminatory stereotypes relating to the roles and responsibilities of women and men in the family and society persist in many communities, particularly in rural areas. In these communities, household responsibilities are clearly distinguished by gender, with women often solely responsible for domestic and care work. (OECD Development Centre, 2019[6])

The national legal frameworks of 21 countries4 do not grant women the right to be recognised as the head of their household and do not establish equal parental authority over their children. In the remaining ten countries,5 women cannot legally become the head of a household and the law does not grant equal parental authority to married women over their children. Data from the Afro barometer survey reveal that men still take the most important decisions affecting household members. For instance, 16% of female African respondents consider their spouses to be the main and sole decision maker regarding the use of money they have earned from a job, a business, selling things or other activities (Afrobarometer, 2019[7]).

The second area of concern is the unequal distribution of unpaid care and domestic work among women and men. As noted above, in Africa, on average, women spend four times more time on unpaid care work than men; however, this proportion varies greatly between the 23 countries with available data, ranging from two times more in Nigeria to 11 times more in Mali (see Chapter 4 for more details). Due to the lack of adequate infrastructure, such as roads and electrification, household members spend more time collecting water and fuel for cooking, caring for children and elders, and transport. This unequal division of household tasks is reinforced by persistent discriminatory attitudes against women within the family sphere as well as stereotypes and biases regarding women’s and men’s roles. For instance, more than one-half of Africa’s population considers that children will suffer if a mother participates in paid employment (OECD, 2019[3]).

Restricted physical integrity accounts for the lowest levels of discrimination in social institutions

Overall, Africa displays a medium level of discrimination in the “Restricted physical integrity” dimension, with a score of 29, exceeding the global average of 22 and lagging behind other regions such as Latin America and the Caribbean (22) and Asia (25). The “Restricted physical integrity” dimension comprises violence against women, female genital mutilation (FGM),6 missing women and reproductive autonomy. At the sub-regional level, average scores range from 18 in North Africa and 20 in Southern Africa, both of which are classified as displaying low levels of discrimination in social institutions, to 29 in East Africa, 30 in Central Africa and 36 in West Africa, which present medium levels of discrimination (Figure 1.5).

Figure 1.5. Limited reproductive autonomy and violence against women largely restrict women’s physical integrity

SIGI scores for the indicators of the “Restricted physical integrity” dimension

North Africa’s relatively good performance in this dimension is linked to lower values in the “Violence against women” indicator (38) compared to the other sub-regions. Similarly, Southern Africa fares well due to the lack of comparable data on the practice of FGM and the absence of a systematic undervaluation of girls at birth. SIGI scores for the “Restricted physical integrity” dimension are available only for 38 countries out of 54 countries due to limited available data on the prevalence of domestic violence (see Reader’s guide). Of the 38 countries classified under this dimension, 137 present low levels of discrimination and 24 display medium levels of discrimination.

Scores in the “Restricted physical integrity” dimension range from 9 in Tunisia to 57 in Guinea, which lacks specific legislation on intimate partner violence, rape and sexual harassment combined with a high acceptance of harmful practices such as domestic violence and FGM. Tunisia is the region’s best performer in this dimension due to recent changes in the country’s legal framework which now protects women from violence including intimate partner violence, rape and sexual harassment (OECD, ILO, CAWTAR, 2020[8]). In July 2017, the Tunisian parliament passed the Organic Law Related to the Elimination of Violence against Women (see Chapter 2). Furthermore, 19% of women (aged 15-49 years) agree that a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife under certain circumstances compared with 47% of women at the global level. Some 20% of Tunisian women have experienced domestic violence in their lifetime compared to 33% of women worldwide. Concerning the “Missing Women” and “Reproductive Autonomy” indicators, the country has a natural sex ratio at birth, meaning that is natural that for every 100 girls born, there would be 105 boys born and, on average, only 7% of Tunisian women report having an unmet need for family planning.

The vast majority of “missing women” in Africa fall within the reproductive age group

The concept of “missing women”, adopted by Amartya Sen in 1990, refers to the low ratio of girls to boys in some developing countries – specifically the deficit of women and girls who have died prematurely in comparison with a benchmark population distribution (UNDP, 2016[9]). Depending on the different life stages of women and girls, women may be “missing” for various reasons. Girls missing at birth can be explained by a combination of different factors including a strong preference for sons, a decrease in fertility rates and the expansion of technologies that allow parents to know the sex of their unborn child. Girls missing during infancy and early childhood can be linked to the persistence of entrenched discrimination at the household level – in the form of poorer nutrition and unequal distribution of food – as well as lack of adequate water and sanitation services. Finally, women missing with the reproductive age cohort have two major determinants: high rates of maternal deaths and the spread of the HIV/AIDS epidemic across African countries (World Bank, 2011[10]).

At the global level, on average, boys exceed girls at birth, but this asymmetry starts to adjust itself shortly thereafter. The combined effect is a roughly balanced male to female ratio in the population as a whole (Anderson and Ray, 2010[11]). The majority of African countries exhibit a natural sex ratio at birth of 105 – meaning that for every 100 girls born there would be 105 boys. A ratio exceeding 105 implies the existence of more boys between the ages of 0 and 4 years than one would expect, indicating a potential phenomenon of son preference resulting in the systemic elimination of new-born girls. In Africa, the natural sex ratio among children aged 0-4 years is around 104 boys per 100 girls (OECD, 2019[3]). Nevertheless, birth registration has remained an acute issue for a long time across the continent. West and Central Africa have the lowest level of birth registration at the global level, with nearly 55% of children under five years old without a birth certificate (UNICEF, n.d.[12]). Girls are less likely to have their birth registered than boys in many African countries, including, Namibia, Niger and Sudan. This discrimination at birth denies their fundamental rights to access to education, public services and social protection schemes, reinforcing unequal power relationships and harmful practices (UNICEF, 2020[13]).

Effective legal and policy measures and shifting social norms have led to a decline in the missing women phenomenon at birth. In the majority of countries8 with evidence of discrimination, there has been a slight to moderate decrease in the sex ratio for ages 0-4 years, indicating a decrease in the number of missing women at birth (World Bank, 2011[10]); (OECD, 2019[1]). However, Africa is the only region in the world where the absolute number of “missing” women has substantially risen as a consequence of the HIV/AIDS epidemic, and the high prevalence of maternal mortality coupled with inadequate access to water, sanitation and health services (World Bank, 2011[10]). For instance, between 1990 and 2008, the total number of missing girls at birth and the excess of female mortality did not change considerably in sub-Saharan African countries. Reductions in infant and childhood mortality were counterbalanced by significant increases in the number of women within the reproductive age cohort as a major consequence of rapid Africa’s population growth (UNDP, 2016[9]); (World Bank, 2011[10]). In Africa, the excess of female mortality is due partly to malaria, maternal mortality, HIV/AIDS and cardiovascular diseases (Anderson and Ray, 2010[11]). For instance, unbalanced sex ratios among women of reproductive age (15-49 years) are a problematic issue in Southern and West Africa. The high prevalence of female mortality is linked to high rates of maternal mortality in West Africa and HIV/AIDS infection among women in Southern Africa. In West African countries, nearly 715 maternal deaths occur per 100 000 live births compared to 481 maternal deaths per 100 000 at the regional level (World Bank, n.d.[14]). Southern Africa is the most affected sub-region worldwide by the HIV global epidemic with an estimated 13% of adults aged 15-49 years living with HIV in 2019, compared to 0.7% at the global level (World Bank, n.d.[14]) (see Chapter 3 for more details).

Eradicating violence against women is an urgent challenge for Africa given its weak legal protection and high prevalence rates

Violence against women is the most acute form of discrimination in the “Restricted physical integrity” dimension for the region. Africa scores 50 for the “Violence against women” indicator, compared to an average score of 40 at the global level. This represents the highest regional score across the four indicators that comprise the “Restricted physical integrity” dimension. This poor performance stems from the fact that no African country has a comprehensive legal framework in place that protects women from all forms of violence – including rape, domestic violence and sexual harassment – and from high levels of discriminatory attitudes towards domestic violence and practices. For instance, on average, 33% of African women have suffered physical and/or sexual violence from an intimate partner at least once in their lifetime in the 38 countries where such data are available (see Chapter 3 for more details). The prevalence of domestic violence is in line with the global average (31%) and varies across countries, ranging from 6% of women in Comoros to 80% in Guinea.

At the regional level, rates of domestic violence and acceptance of such violence have decreased slightly in recent years. Since the second edition of the SIGI in 2012, the percentage of ever-partnered women who suffered violence from an intimate partner at least once in their lifetime decreased from 41% in 2012 to 33% in 2018. Across the 32 African countries with available data, 47% of women and girls believe that a husband can be justified in hitting or beating his wife under certain circumstances, namely if she burns food, argues with him, goes out without telling him, neglects the children or refuses to have sexual relations. Increased efforts dedicated to raising awareness about domestic violence and encouraging people to take action to promote social change, have led to a steady shift in social norms and a waning of attitudes that tolerate or justify this practice. For instance, between 2012 and 2018, the share of African women who consider domestic violence to be sometimes justified dropped by approximately 10 percentage points. Attitudes towards domestic violence vary across countries: while Guinean women seem particularly likely to tolerate domestic violence (92%), only 16% of women in Malawi hold such discriminatory attitudes. Across African countries, the socio-economic effects of the COVID-19 pandemic have led to an increase in domestic violence cases, rape and sexual abuse. For instance, during the lockdown period in 2020, Tunisia experienced a nine-fold increment in violence against women and girls. Algeria observed an increase in femicide, with one femicide taking place every three or four days. Within the first confinement in April 2020, the South African police department registered a 37% increase in gender-based violence cases (UN Women and UNFPA, 2021[4]) (Chapter 3).

African women still face obstacles to gaining ownership of and control over economic assets

Across the region, obstacles remain in securing women’s right to access productive and financial resources, as well as guaranteeing their protection in the workplace. The “Restricted access to productive and financial resources” dimension encompasses four indicators, namely: “Access to land”, “Access to non-land assets”, “Access to financial services” and “Workplace rights”. The region presents a medium level of discrimination, with a score of 39 in the “Restricted access to productive and financial resources” dimension – higher than the global average of 27. At the sub-regional level, Central Africa exhibits a high level of discrimination for the dimension with a score of 53, while Southern, East, West and North Africa present medium levels of discrimination (Figure 1.6).

Southern Africa’s relatively good performance stems primarily from strong legal frameworks guaranteeing women’s rights to open a bank account and to obtain credit from formal bank institutions (see Chapter 2 for more details). In addition, in this region women have the same legal rights and secure access to own, make decisions and use non-land assets as collateral. In Southern Africa, 42% of all bank account holders are women compared to only 26% of women at the continental level. At the sub-regional level, women’s rate of bank account ownership ranges from 18% in Malawi (29% for men) to 78% in Namibia (77% for men) (Chapter 4).

The 35 African countries scored in this dimension display very diverse scores. Nineteen countries lack a score for the “Restricted access to productive and financial resources” dimension due to missing variables (see the Reader’s guide). Scores in the “Restricted access to productive and financial resources” dimension range from 14 in Mozambique, the region’s top performer (displaying a low level of discrimination), to 78 in Cameroon, denoting a high level of discrimination. Mozambique’s relatively good performance is the result of a strong legal framework that grants women’s equal access to productive and financial resources, and guarantees women’s rights in the workplace environment. Furthermore, only 14% of the Mozambique population agreed with the statement that it is not acceptable for any woman in the family to have a paid job outside the home if she wants to.

Figure 1.6. Women’s access to productive and financial resources and equal workplace rights remains a challenge

SIGI scores for the indicators of the “Restricted access to productive and financial resources” dimension

African countries have made gains in strengthening and securing women’s access to financial services

African countries have undertaken important legal reforms guaranteeing women’s equal rights to open bank accounts and seek credit. Overall, the region scores 24 in the “Access to financial services” indicator denoting a low level of discrimination in social institutions governing women’s access to financial services. These low scores reflect the fact that the majority of African countries guarantee the same rights to open a bank account in a formal financial institution to both women and men without the signature and authority of their spouses or guardians (see Chapter 2 for more details). Similarly, legal frameworks provide women with the same rights as men to obtain credit. Nevertheless, discriminatory social norms, collective gender biases and traditional practices weaken the extent of such progress. Women are disproportionately underrepresented among the owners of land and houses, which in turn limits their ability to obtain the collateral required to mobilise capital and to obtain loans from formal bank institutions (see Chapter 4 for more details). In Africa, based on the data available for 32 countries, women account for 33% of homeowners, ranging from 5% in Egypt to 98% in Cameroon (OECD, 2019[3]).

African women continue to face gender-based discrimination in the working environment

In the “Restricted access to productive and financial” dimension, “Workplace rights” constitute the most persistent form of discrimination. In this particular indicator, Africa scores 53 overall, compared with a global average score of 45. High scores reflect poor legislative frameworks concerning the working environment as well as persistent gender stereotypes in the workplace. Legal barriers continue to prevent women from entering certain professions. For instance, in 2021, 28 African countries have laws prohibiting women from entering certain professions deemed arduous and/or hazardous, including jobs in sectors such as mining, energy, agriculture and other industries (see Chapter 2). In addition, attitudinal data reveal that 18% of respondents believe that women should not participate in paid work, further perpetuating the gender gap in labour force participation across African countries. In 2020, the labour force participation gap stood at nearly 20 percentage points, with 54% of African women in the labour force compared to 73% of men (ILO, 2020[15]) (see Chapter 4). In the vast majority of African countries, men also continue to be overrepresented in managerial positions compared to women. In the 40 African countries with available data, the proportion of female managers was 23% at the regional level, nearly 1 percentage point above the global average (OECD, 2019[3]).

Actions to expand women’s civil liberties are reflected in recent gains

Africa displays a medium level of discrimination in the “Restricted civil liberties” dimension with a score of 38, 9 percentage points above the global average. The “Restricted civil liberties” dimension of the SIGI encompasses four indicators: “Citizenship rights”, “Political voice”, “Freedom of movement” and “Access to justice”. At the sub-regional level, average scores vary from 30 in East Africa to 36 in West Africa, 39 in both Central and Southern Africa, and 56 in North Africa (Figure 1.7). East Africa’s relatively good performance in this dimension derives from strong legal frameworks that grant women equal rights to vote and to hold public and political office in the legislature and executive powers. In addition, these countries have temporary special measures in place that promote women’s political representation at the national and sub-national levels. East Africa is the sub-region with the second-highest share of women in its single/lower houses (31%) (IPU Parline, 2021[16]). North Africa’s poor performance stems primarily from restrictive legal frameworks that limit women’s legal rights to acquire, change or retain their nationality (OECD, ILO, CAWTAR, 2020[8]).

Women’s political voice has steadily strengthened even if legal quotas, special measures or incentives are not adequately implemented and stereotypes related to women’s leadership continue to curb their civil liberties. Among the 39 African countries with SIGI scores for this dimension, there is wide variation with scores ranging from 4 in Senegal – denoting a very low level of discrimination against women – to 62 in Togo, indicating a high level of discrimination. Senegal’s success in this dimension is due partly to the fact that its laws ensure women’s equal rights to vote and hold public office and grant women and men with the same citizenship rights and ability to exercise these rights. In 2010, Senegal introduced a ground-breaking law instituting gender parity in all fully or partially elected bodies. Furthermore, in 2013, the country amended its Nationality Code to remove all existing discriminatory provisions. Act No. 03/2013, Art. 7 and 5 now allow women to give their nationality to their children and spouses. In addition, women have the same capacity as men to sue, and their testimony carries the same evidentiary weight as a man’s in civil, criminal and family courts. With regard to access to justice, on average, 38% of women do not trust the judicial system compared to 35% at the regional level (Gallup, 2017[17]).

Figure 1.7. Despite recent progress, African women still do not enjoy the same liberties as men

SIGI scores for the indicators of the “Restricted civil liberties” dimension

Women’s freedom of movement is protected by strong legal frameworks in Africa

Most African countries guarantee women equal access to identity documents and passports as well as the ability to travel outside the country. Africa scores 25 in the “Freedom of movement” indicator, compared to a global average of 24, denoting a relatively low level of discrimination. The legal frameworks of 31 countries grant women freedom of movement, indicating that women’s access to identity documents and passports, and their ability to travel outside the country, are protected on an equal footing with men regardless of civil status. However, discriminatory practices exist for women wishing to access public spaces, which stem from a high perception of insecurity. Across the 40 African countries with available data, women account for 55% of people declaring that they feel unsafe walking alone at night in the city or the area where they live, compared to 65% of people in Asian countries and 69% in the Americas – including both Latin America and the Caribbean and North America. Large variations exist across countries: in Côte d'Ivoire, women account for 32% of the respondents who report feeling unsafe, while the proportion reaches 77% in Rwanda9 (Gallup, 2017[17]).

Despite progress, negative attitudes towards women in public life and discriminatory social norms hamper women’s ability to fully participate in the public sphere

Political voice is the most acute form of discrimination across the indicators in the “Restricted civil liberties” dimension. The region scores 45 overall, in line with the global average (44). At the regional level, this score indicates that women and men have the same rights to vote and to hold public and political office, but legal quotas or special measures supporting the promotion of women’s political participation have produced mixed results. In 2021, African women accounted for 25% of representatives in lower or single houses (IPU Parline, 2021[16]), although this average hides important variations between countries. In 2021, women’s representation as members of parliament (MPs) in single or lower houses ranges from 61% in Rwanda and 46% in South Africa to 6% in Nigeria and Burkina Faso (IPU Parline, 2021[16]). Furthermore, negative attitudes towards women’s leadership are still prevalent in some countries. At the regional level, on average and in the 16 countries with available data, 63% of the population agrees with the statement: “On the whole, men make better political leaders than women do” compared to 53% of the population in Asia and 24% in the Americas (see Chapter 5 for more details).

Discriminatory social institutions are often overlooked as a factor explaining gender-based discrimination in African countries

Discriminatory social institutions prevent women from achieving equal outcomes

Despite important economic and social progress over recent decades, nowhere in the world do women enjoy the same legal, economic and social rights as men. Legal discrimination and inheritance loopholes, social expectations regarding gender roles that stigmatise working mothers and women in politics, and restrictions on women's physical integrity such as FGM, largely explain the persistence of unequal outcomes in areas such as employment, entrepreneurship, health and political representation (OECD, 2019[1]). In Africa, these outcomes are lower for women than for men, as reflected in scores on the Africa Gender Index, which range from 24 in Comoros to 80 in Namibia, and are linked to restrictions on women’s employment (the economic dimension) and access to education and health (AfDB, UNECA, 2020[18]). Discrimination in social institutions constitutes an obstacle to gender parity in outcomes across all world regions. They establish the parameters for acceptable and unacceptable decisions, choices or behaviours for women in society, and consequently define their role and impact their outcomes.

Gender-based discrimination in rights, opportunities and outcomes interconnect and overlap reinforcing the marginalisation of women and girls. Discriminatory laws, norms and practices as measured by the SIGI, limit the role of women in Africa as workers, entrepreneurs, healthy citizens, leaders at the national and local levels, and actors of human development, as measured by the Africa Gender Index (AGI) (AfDB, UNECA, 2020[18]). Therefore, higher levels of gender-based discrimination in social institutions are associated with lower equality in outcomes (Figure 1.8). In other words, African countries with higher levels of discrimination in social institutions are further from achieving gender parity. The following section explores the underlying factors that explain persistent discriminatory social institutions in three key areas: women’s health and physical integrity, women’s economic empowerment, and women’s leadership and representation.

Figure 1.8. Higher levels of discrimination in social institutions are associated with lower levels of parity in outcomes

Correlation between the SIGI scores (social institutions) and the AGI scores (outcomes)

Discriminatory social institutions hamper women’s health and restrict their physical integrity throughout their lifecycle

Discriminatory legislation and social norms restrict women’s access to sexual and reproductive healthcare and perpetuate harmful practices with implications for women’s and girls’ health and well-being. No country in Africa lawfully provides women with universal access to reproductive health. In 2017, 22% of African women of reproductive age (15-49 years) reported having an unmet need for family planning (OECD, 2019[3]). Simultaneously, considerable legal restrictions and social norms limit women’s reproductive autonomy, negatively affecting their sexual and reproductive health and resulting in poor health outcomes. In 2017, there were 481 maternal deaths per 100 000 live births in Africa compared to the global average of 216 (World Bank, n.d.[14]). One factor underlying the high rates of maternal mortality across African countries is the prevalence of adolescent pregnancies. These early pregnancies increase the likelihood of health complications related to or aggravated by pregnancy, while also adversely affecting girls’ educational attainment and well-being. In 2019, in sub-Saharan Africa, there were 100 births per 1 000 adolescent girls aged 15-19 compared to the global average of 42 (World Bank, n.d.[14]).

In the African region, numerous types of violence against women and weakened legal frameworks limit women’s physical integrity. Domestic violence continues to affect a large number of African women during their lifetime: on average, approximately 33% of African women have experienced intimate partner violence or sexual violence in their lifetime compared to 31% at the global level. Despite the lack of data on the prevalence of FGM, evidence reveals the persistence of this harmful practice in Northern, East and West Africa. On average, in 27 countries with available data, 42% of women and girls aged 15-49 years have undergone FGM, compared with 46% in 2014 (OECD Development Centre, 2014[19]) (OECD, 2019[3]). The absence of legal provisions criminalising domestic violence in 20 countries leaves women and girls without any legal protection from their perpetrators and without the possibility of seeking justice. Moreover, efforts to guarantee women’s legal protection from various forms of gender-based violence have been inconsistent and slow. For instance, the majority of countries fail to recognise marital rape and 21 countries do not have criminal laws addressing FGM as a harmful practice (see Chapter 2).

The high rates of gender-based violence in African countries are deeply rooted in discriminatory social norms and attitudes that consider violence a private matter. Similarly, FGM, a particular form of violence against young girls and adolescents, persists in several African countries as a result of customary, religious or traditional practices or laws that allow and encourage this harmful practice. The absence of legislative frameworks aimed at eliminating and banning FGM allows the practice to persist. In 2018, on average, 16% of African women aged 15-49 years considered that FGM should continue (OECD, 2019[3]).

Discriminatory social institutions limit women’s access to the labour market and key economic assets while hampering women’s entrepreneurship

Discriminatory legal frameworks governing workplace rights in Africa jeopardise women’s inclusion in the labour market and their economic empowerment. Legal barriers and the absence of laws guaranteeing equality in the area of workplace rights have serious consequences for women’s economic empowerment. In particular, discriminatory laws across the continent continue to prevent women from entering the labour market and hinder their advancement. These laws also impede the recognition and redistribution of care responsibilities among men and women and contribute to the persistent gender pay gap (see Chapter 2).

Discriminatory social norms and biases, and notably discriminatory gender roles within the household, curtail women’s access to the labour market. Traditional views of gender roles within the household prevail with caring for family members and the home still a primary social expectation of women. Consequently, women continue to assume the bulk of unpaid care and domestic work. At the same time, in a context of widespread informality and high unemployment rates in certain countries – particularly for youth and women – the region is characterised by a high level of discriminatory attitudes that often discourage women from seeking work outside the household. Women’s unpaid care and domestic work burden and discriminatory attitudes explain women’s low inclusion in the labour market and the large gender gaps observed across the continent. The characteristics of women’s employment – low participation, high informality and vulnerable employment – are also direct consequences of women’s dual role in many African countries as primary caretaker of the household and a necessary contributor to household income.

Biased perceptions of women’s abilities and discriminatory educational norms tend to prevent women from accessing decent work and confine them to specific sectors of the economy. Norms and stereotypes associating men and women with certain inherent characteristics tend to orient women’s and men’s labour choices towards certain sectors of the economy, which results in high horizontal segregation. For instance, across all African sub-regions, men are systematically overrepresented in “manly” sectors – such as construction or transportation – whereas women are predominant in sectors such as accommodation, wholesale and retail trade or household services. Educational choices also play a critical role with biases related to boys’ and girls’ abilities shaping educational choices – for example, influencing the low enrolment of girls into Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM) fields. This, in turn, accentuates gender-based segregation in the labour force. The implications for women’s economic empowerment are far-reaching, as women in Africa are drawn to sectors that are less profitable or where wages are lower.

Men’s traditional status and roles, household decision-making practices, and discriminatory inheritance laws and practices all limit women’s ownership of agricultural land and constrain their economic independence. Women’s limited ownership of agricultural land in Africa stems primarily from traditions and customs that consider men to be the rightful owners of the land. For the most part, customary laws are the primary determinant of who owns, manages, inherits and is allowed to access the land. Social practices granting the administration of large household assets to husbands in marriage, as well as inheritance practices that favour men, also curtail women’s land ownership. In the context of Africa, where agriculture remains a major source of employment and income, these barriers to women’s agricultural land ownership have a major impact on women’s capacity to have an income of their own and to amass capital to apply for loans.

Discriminatory social norms and biases related to women’s access to markets, finance, training and networks also hamper women’s entrepreneurship in Africa. African women are more likely to be entrepreneurs than men – often out of necessity and because barriers to formal waged employment encourage them to work as an account worker, running a small income-generating activity. Yet, evidence from several African countries10 suggests that, on average, women-led companies have monthly profits that are 34% lower than those run by men (World Bank, 2019[20]). As with labour inclusion, this is partly explained by horizontal segregation as sectors dominated by men are more profitable than sectors in which women-led businesses are concentrated. This horizontal segregation stems, in turn, from underlying social norms and biases. Other deeply entrenched barriers to women’s entrepreneurship include social norms that view men as better business managers than women – for example, in Burkina Faso, nearly 20% of the population think that a woman cannot manage a business as well as a man (OECD Development Centre, 2018[21]) – and their internalisation by women themselves, as well as reduced access to financing. The latter stems in particular from women’s lack of collateral, which is itself the product of women’s lower ownership of valuable assets and lower income.

Women’s underrepresentation in political processes is rooted in discriminatory social institutions

Discriminatory social institutions are a root cause of women’s underrepresentation within the political sphere. Social norms uphold the belief that public and political leadership is the domain of men and also value masculine leadership styles. Norms sustaining the view that men make better political leaders than women, and should be elected rather than women, are held by more than a quarter (28%) of the population in Africa (Afrobarometer, 2019[7]). These discriminatory beliefs at the population level are negatively correlated with women’s political representation in parliaments (see Chapter 5 for more details). In addition, these social norms not only prevent women from stepping forward as candidates and political leaders, but also prevent them from gaining such positions whether through election or appointment.

Temporary special measures in Africa have created opportunities for women’s political voice within the context of barriers imposed by electoral systems. Countries’ electoral systems present specific opportunities and challenges for women’s political representation (see Chapter 5 for more details). Regardless of the system in place, temporary special measures, such as quotas, play a pivotal role in women’s levels of representation on the continent (see Chapter 2 for more details). Indeed, in African countries with quotas of any kind, women’s representation in parliaments is 10 percentage points higher than in those that have no quotas. Nevertheless, to achieve results, these measures require political will in the form of supportive social norms and practices, in addition to strong enforcement mechanisms.

Discriminatory social institutions impede women’s access to the tools and resources needed to pursue political leadership. Information and communications technologies (ICTs) constitute an increasingly important part of political processes in Africa, as was evident during the COVID-19 pandemic when campaigns continued in some countries despite social distancing measures being in place. However, women’s access to these tools is limited due to discriminatory social norms, including unequal decision-making power in the household. The share of African women who report never having uses the Internet is 10 percentage points higher than the share of men (Afrobarometer, 2019[7]). Restricted access to ICTs hinders women’s meaningful political participation not only as candidates but also as participants in political processes. In addition to ICTs, access to monetary resources is a crucial component of women’s ability to run successful campaigns, as doing so can be expensive. However, social norms at the household level position men as the main family providers and decision makers over the use of financial resources. Finally, time is a critical resource for political participation. Although similarly high shares of men and women reported voting in the most recent national elections in their countries, among those who did not, a greater share of women than men in 26 countries said that they did not vote because they lacked sufficient time to do so (Afrobarometer, 2019[7]). Unequal distributions of unpaid care and domestic work at the household level are deeply embedded, and have wide-reaching impacts on women’s participation in diverse areas of life, including in politics as voters, candidates and active community members.

Gender-based violence in the political sphere is a discriminatory social institution that hinders women’s full public and political engagement in Africa. Political violence and the fear of risk intimidates women and girls from pursuing leadership roles and exercising their voices in the public domain. Indeed, fear of political violence and intimidation is widespread among women in some countries, ranging from more than 70% in Kenya, Uganda and Zimbabwe to 16% in Cabo Verde and 23% in Morocco (Afrobarometer, 2019[7]). Furthermore, gender-based political violence online is increasingly an issue of concern, with women politicians in some African countries more likely than their male counterparts to face harassment on social media platforms (Pollicy, 2021[22]). Violence online prevents women from using digital tools, which further hinders their opportunities for political engagement and leadership.

Discrimination in social institutions undermines the region’s inclusive growth and development

Discriminatory social institutions have a bearing on the unequal power relationships and dynamics between women and men in the family sphere, as well as on women’s status in the economic and public spheres. For instance, persistently high rates of child marriage in African countries constrain girls’ access to education and employment opportunities. Furthermore, the practice of FGM has adverse and long-lasting consequences on the mental and physical health of women and girls (UNFPA, 2019[23]). Sexual violence and violence against women, which are prevalent among many African countries, undermine women’s and girls’ capacity to participate in the labour market or become agents of change in society. Therefore, eliminating discriminatory social institutions will not only benefit half of Africa’s population, but society as a whole. Overall, the cost of discriminatory social institutions for the African continent amounts to approximately USD 169 billion, accounting for 7.5% of the regional gross domestic product (GDP) (OECD, 2019[1]).

The COVID-19 crisis will considerably exacerbate the cost of discriminatory social institutions across African countries. The global economy has been severely affected by the COVID-19 pandemic, and the African region, which is easily affected by external shocks, will experience its first recession in 25 years. Projections by the African Union and the OECD Development Centre indicate a 2.1% to 4.9% drop in GDP (AUC/OECD, 2021[24]). Moreover, the severe impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic have already pushed nearly 40 million Africans into extreme poverty (World Bank Group, 2021[25]). The most significant consequences for African economies have been lower levels of productivity, more restricted use of capital and a substantial increase in trade costs. Coupled with this costs are the effects on educational attainment and health, which could curtail the ability of the young generation to earn incomes and improve their well-being. Furthermore, the COVID-19 crisis has significantly disrupted the allocation of available funds to critical nutrition, health and education services, with diverse effects on women and girls (AUC/OECD, 2021[24]) (see Box 1.1).

Box 1.1. Impact of COVID-19 on gender equality and women’s empowerment in Africa

As the COVID-19 virus continues to spread across African countries and governments enforce rigid lockdown measures, it has become apparent that African women bear the brunt of the pandemic’s devastating impacts. This is despite the fact that, on average, more African men than women contracted and died from the virus. Moreover, even though the disease does not discriminate between women and men, the various policy measures implemented in response to the COVID-19 crisis are generally discriminatory (UN Women, 2020[26]). At the regional level, only 39% of current measures aimed at addressing the socio-economic effects of the crisis on the most vulnerable, and in particular women, include a gender lens (Figure 1.9).

Figure 1.9. Policy measures aimed at tackling the socio-economic consequences of the COVID-19 crisis lack a gender lens

Number of policy measures implemented in Africa in response to the COVID-19 crisis by gender sensitiveness

Women are at greater risk of losing their jobs in a context of more widespread informality

Recent evidence shows that the economic consequences of the COVID-19 crisis are disproportionally affecting women (UNHR; African Union, 2020[28]). In Africa, nine out of ten women workers are engaged in the informal economy (ILO, 2018[29]), many of whom work as street vendors and domestic workers. African women are also overrepresented in the retail, food and accommodation, and tourism sectors, which are characterised by low pay and limited job security. Moreover, African women make up the majority of the agricultural sector (ILO, n.d.[30]). These economic sectors have been considerably affected by COVID‑19 mitigation measures, such as border and business shutdowns and international travel restrictions. These dynamics will have long-term consequences for women’s economic and social empowerment, and could contribute to exacerbating women’s vulnerability. A recent study undertaken in Ethiopia, Malawi, Mozambique and South Africa reveals that nearly 60% of women in these countries have lost or seen a decrease in their incomes due to the COVID-19 pandemic (UN Women and UNFPA, 2021[4]).

Furthermore, the saturation of healthcare system capacities, coupled with the implementation of partial or full lockdowns in at least 42 countries on the continent (AUC/OECD, 2021[24]), and the reduced functioning of critical services such as schools or day-care centres, has increased the burden of unpaid care and domestic work that falls on African women. Such increase has heightened gender inequalities that existed prior to the pandemic. Rapid gender assessments conducted by UN Women in several countries of East and Southern Africa show that a great number of women than men reported spending more time on unpaid care and domestic work compared to the situation prior to the pandemic (UN Women and UNFPA, 2021[4]).

The COVID-19 crisis has produced a surge in gender-based violence in African countries

Documented research shows that mitigation measures and responses to the COVID-19 crisis have led to increased rates of intimate partner violence and sexual harassment in the public sphere (UNHR; African Union, 2020[28]). Across many African countries, a substantial number of women living in quarantine are trapped in their homes with their abusers. Many of these women lack access to information on how to seek support and be confined separately from their violent partners. In addition, cases of targeted violence against nurses, many of whom are considered a potential source of infection, are currently not being recorded by any country. Recent evidence from six Sahel countries1 shows a 12-percentage point increase in reported domestic violence cases due to confinement measures where women are isolated at home without access to people and resources that could help them. Additionally, evidence from East Africa, indicates a 48% increase in reported gender-based violence cases (UN Women and UNFPA, 2021[4]).

Refugee and displaced women and girls will face additional challenges as available funds and human resources are redirected in response to the COVID crisis

Africa has over 23 million refugees and approximately 12.5 million internally displaced persons from conflict settings. As of March 2020, women accounted for half of Africa’s internally displaced persons (UN Women and UNFPA, 2021[4]). Difficult living conditions, restricted or no livelihood options, and reliance on humanitarian assistance for survival makes this population particularly vulnerable to the spread of the COVID-19 virus. Within this context, displaced women have less access to health services and comprehensive information, and are more likely to experience sexual violence. In addition, the redirection of funds to emergency response and restrictions on the freedom of humanitarian workers can result in a lack of qualified women aid workers in refugee camps and humanitarian settings, putting women’s and girls’ well-being at further risk. Humanitarian crises and precautionary efforts to control the spread of COVID-19 are most likely to increase gender-based violence by relatives or intimate partners, as well as harmful practices against girls such as child and/or forced marriage, unwanted pregnancies and FGM (Plan International, 2020[31]).

1. The countries are Chad, Senegal, Mali, Burkina Faso, Mauritania and Niger. The reported increase describes a rise from 40.6% prior to the pandemic to 52% during the pandemic.

A Roadmap for Action: Paving the way towards gender equality in African countries

Despite significant progress made across various fronts in the majority of African countries, gender equality remains a distant goal. To address current gender gaps and inequalities, policy makers, development practitioners, the private sector, civil society organisations, academia, youth groups, and religious and local leaders should reinforce efforts to harness the potential of women and girls. In 2020, the COVID-19 crisis upended the livelihood of millions of Africans, and its social and economic consequences threaten to reverse decades of progress made on gender equality and women’s empowerment. Addressing discriminatory social institutions in a holistic approach is paramount to reinforcing and achieving the ambitious 2030 Agenda and Agenda 2063. This section outlines the main policy recommendations and develops them across five potential pathways to fully integrate gender equality into the broader development strategies of African governments (Figure 1.10).

Figure 1.10. Five potential pathways to enhance gender equality and women’s empowerment in Africa

Update and eliminate discriminatory legal provisions in accordance with international and regional conventions

The national legal frameworks of some African countries have integrated gender-related international, regional and sub-regional legal instruments. As of September 2021, 42 African countries have ratified and deposited the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (the “Maputo Protocol”). Over the last decade, some African countries have undertaken various legal reforms, including the enactment of new constitutions, constitutional amendments, changes to existing regulations, and the adoption of new acts and bills to address gender issues on various dimensions related to women’s empowerment (see Chapter 2). However, implementation remains a challenge due to the co-existence of discriminatory legal frameworks, legal loopholes, and plural legal systems where discriminatory, customary and religious informal laws tend to prevail over the civil law compromise de jure and de facto equality (see Chapter 2).

African governments should therefore ensure that their national legislation is aligned and harmonised with international, regional and sub-regional conventions and instruments, and amend existing laws to eliminate discriminatory legal frameworks. This alignment and harmonisation with commitments at different levels will produce an enabling environment that encourages women and girls to exercise and claim their rights. For instance, African governments should close legal loopholes that permit harmful practices against women and girls, such as child marriage and FGM, and remove discriminatory provisions concerning women’s workplace rights, inheritance, land and citizenship rights. Legislation on violence against women should be reinforced by protecting women from all forms of gender-based violence. In addition, governments should strengthen enforcement measures to reconcile any gaps or contradictions between statutory and customary, traditional and religious laws.

In particular, policy makers in Africa should focus on laws covered by the following SIGI indicators:

Child marriage. African countries should establish 18 years as the minimum legal age for marriage for girls and boys, without any legal exceptions. For instance, in Côte d'Ivoire, Law No. 2019-570 of 26 June 2019 stipulates the legal age of marriage at 18 years for both men and women (Government of Côte d'Ivoire, 2019[32]).
Inheritance. African governments should strengthen their efforts to close loopholes in national legislation by establishing the supremacy of civil law over customary, religious and traditional laws that discriminate against women’s and girls’ rights to inheritance. Countries should also repeal discriminatory laws that do not allow a widow to maintain her inheritance rights over her dead husband’s property if she re-marries.
Violence against women. Policy makers should incorporate a comprehensive approach by ensuring that women are protected from all forms of violence, including sexual harassment, domestic violence, rape (including marital rape) and honour crimes, regardless of location. In 2019, Liberia’s Domestic Violence Bill became law and criminalises domestic violence, which comprises physical, mental and sexual abuse, neglect and exploitation (Government of Liberia, 2019[33]).
Female genital mutilation. African countries should recognise FGM as a harmful practice and abide by related international, regional and sub-regional commitments. African countries in which some communities perform, tolerate and encourage FGM should enact legislation to criminalise the practice and establish penalties for all perpetrators, including parents and medical practitioners. In addition, governments should add an extraterritorial jurisdiction clause extending penalties to citizens who commit the crime outside of the country. For example, Kenya adopted a law penalising citizens who practice FGM, even beyond its borders (Government of Kenya, 2011[34]).
Workplace rights. Policy makers should remove discriminatory legal provisions affecting women’s equal access to employment. For instance, lists of banned professions for non-pregnant and non-nursing women should be eliminated.
Citizenship rights. African governments should grant women the same rights as men to acquire, change and retain their nationalities, irrespective of their marital status or group of origin, and to transfer their nationality to their children or their non-citizen spouse.

Integrate a gender perspective across all governments’ ministries and sectors, including gender-responsive budgeting

Gender equality and women’s empowerment should be set as a national priority

Gender equality should be considered a cross-cutting issue and mainstreamed into the formulation, planning and implementation of national development agendas, plans and strategies across all line Ministries and areas. In the African context, Article 2(c) of the Maputo Protocol mandates African Member countries to “integrate a gender perspective in their policy decisions, legislation, development plans, programmes and activities and all other spheres of life” (African Union, 2003[35]). Regardless of policy objectives, if women and girls do not benefit in the same way as men and boys from the implementation of policies and programmes, Africa's overall social and economic progress will not reach its potential.

African governments should ensure that all policies and programmes aim to achieve equal results for both women and men. Gender equality should not be considered a distinct category or sector but rather a fundamental element of any national policy priority, whether concerning the national economy, the environment, employment, natural resources or social services. For instance, the 2009 Gender Policy of the African Union establishes eight priority areas. Half of these areas relate closely to enhancing gender mainstreaming efforts in all sectors and at all levels (African Union, 2018[36]).
African governments should ensure that women’s rights are incorporated effectively into national development plans and strategies, not only at the assessment or analysis level but across the full extent of the implementation framework.

Building a multi-level, multi-stakeholder and multi-sectoral approach will reduce inequalities in women’s and girls’ access to education, health and employment in Africa

Each structure, branch and ministry of African governments must be responsible and accountable for women’s rights and gender issues within the range of its mandate. Building such a multi-level and multi-sectoral approach is a prerequisite to reduce inequalities in women’s access to education, health and employment in Africa. Women’s inequalities and disparities are multidimensional and often affected by a range of interconnected social, environmental and economic factors. A multi-sectoral approach offers an opportunity to tackle these issues through collaboration across multiple policy areas (health, education, social, economic) and different sectors (public, private) with the involvement of local and religious leaders (UNDP, 2016[9]). A multi-level and multi-sectoral approach offers governments in Africa the potential to leverage diverse resources, knowledge, reach and expertise.

African governments should establish a clear division of responsibilities at the technical as well as the managerial level, encompassing planning, resource allocation, implementation, monitoring, evaluation, reporting and dissemination. This division of responsibilities should be adapted to national, central or local government bodies and co-ordinated with other stakeholders. For instance, the Ministry of Labour should work with actors such as trade unions and employers’ associations to strengthen gender equality in the working environment. In addition, the Ministry should co-ordinate actions and proposals with the Ministry of Justice to guarantee that women’s workplace rights are legislated and adequately enforced. Some issues related to women’s rights may therefore fall under the scope of different ministries and stakeholders.

More investment in capacity-building programmes will help mainstream gender equality

Technical expertise is crucial to mainstream gender equality and promote women’s empowerment. As gender equality and human rights do not form an integral part of university educational programmes in the majority of African countries, government officials may not be trained, or have the necessary technical skills to incorporate and implement the guidelines established in the Maputo Protocol or the CEDAW recommendations into their line of work (see Chapter 2 and Annex A for more details).

The national co-ordinating body on gender equality and/or women’s rights should establish a technical group of individuals or structures able to provide support on women’s rights and capacity development, research and policy advice to line ministries and government bodies. This technical advisory group should be in constant communication with focal points in charge of mainstreaming gender or incorporating a gender perspective into line ministries and the co-ordinating mechanism. The needs and objectives of the different ministries and government structures must be assessed to develop a comprehensive capacity-building plan or strategy with clear roles and responsibilities. For instance, all African countries have national machineries in place for gender equality, 38 countries have established gender co-ordinating units within line ministries and five countries have set up independent gender commissions (African Union, 2018[36]).

Gender-responsive budgeting ensures consideration of women’s rights

Many African countries adopt national development strategies or plans that reflect government objectives and measures for the medium and, in some cases, the long term. National budgets are often aligned with the national priorities established in these broader development strategies. National commitments towards enhancing gender equality and improving women’s conditions and rights should therefore be incorporated into national budget lines, expenditure frameworks and the annual budget from the outset. National commitments to gender equality and women’s empowerment across all expenditure categories should be monitored to establish necessary expenditure allocations and to determine the desired results. In Africa, Article 19 of the Maputo Protocol mandates Members States to “provide adequate budgetary and other resources for the implementation and monitoring of actions aimed at preventing and eradicating violence against women” (Box 1.2).

Box 1.2. Gender budgeting in African countries

Sub-Saharan African countries were among the first group of countries in the world to adopt gender budgeting, defined as the use of fiscal policy and management to improve the status of women and girls, with a view to achieving gender equality (IMF, 2016[37]). On average, gender ministries or divisions receive 1% of national budgets across African countries (African Union, 2018[36]). In 1996, South Africa was the first country in sub-Saharan Africa to implement gender-responsive budgeting and initiatives; they were followed by Tanzania and Uganda, and subsequently other countries in the sub-region (IMF, 2016[37]). In 2009, 20% of African countries were implementing gender-sensitive budgeting driven either by civil society organisations or government agencies. in 2014, the 9th African Regional Conference on Women recommended and endorsed the use of gender-responsive budgeting (UNDP, 2016[9]). In the same year, the African Union endorsed the Addis Ababa Declaration, which calls upon all member countries to adopt gender-sensitive planning and budgeting schemes (UNECA, 2015[38]).

The following framework could be used to strengthen government efforts to adopt and implement gender responsive budgets across ministries (Diop, 2004[39]):

1. Analyse the situation of women and men, girls and boys in the sector (e.g. agriculture, trade, energy, water, etc.) using data disaggregated by sex, geographical area, level of education and ethnicity, and taking into account other socio-economic characteristics.

2. Provide a comprehensive assessment of sectoral strategies, programmes and measures in terms of gender sensitivity.

3. Evaluate whether sufficient financial and other resources are earmarked for gender-sensitive policies and measures.

4. Monitor whether the expenditure set aside is spent as planned.

5. Review whether the policy and corresponding expenditure has promoted gender equity and transformed the situation of the target group.

The adoption of a gender-sensitive budget allows African governments to i) strengthen transparency mechanisms by specifying the intended beneficiaries of financial resources, ii) enhance attention to women’s needs by disaggregating how expenses are distributed among women and men, iii) guarantee that public spending does not exacerbate existing gender inequalities, and iv) allocate the necessary resources to programmes addressing previously identified gender gaps (Florence and Awori, 2010[40]). For instance, In 2010, the African Union Member States created the Fund for African Women, allocating at least 0.5% of the African Union’s budget to funding initiatives related to women’s empowerment. The fund provided resources for 105 projects up to 2017 (African Union, 2018[36]).

Support gender-transformative interventions to enact positive behaviour change by engaging with groups including men and boys and community leaders

Gender equality and women’s empowerment increasingly form part of mainstream policy across African countries. However, without dynamic and vigorous engagement with civil society organisations, men and boys, feminist groups, youth groups and other community leaders, legislation promoting gender equality will exist in a vacuum with restricted impact. Men and boys play an important role in changing social norms, particularly attitudes towards gender-based violence and harmful practices against women and girls. Women and girls have also been identified as critical agents of change and should not be considered solely as “victims of the patriarchal system”. In some cases, women are also perpetrators and vectors of discrimination, as has been well documented (OECD Development Centre, 2018[21]).

African governments should establish and fund transformative interventions and programmes targeting widespread female acceptance and intergenerational transmission of discriminatory attitudes and practices that represent key obstacles to gender equality.

Customary chiefs and religious and local leaders play a pivotal role in eradicating harmful practices and discriminatory attitudes towards women and girls. Religious and local leaders have broad access to all members of the community and guide behaviours and attitudes towards women and girls that are deemed acceptable at the community level.

National and local government structures should offer training to religious and community leaders to raise awareness and promote the elimination of child marriage, violence against women and FGM. Religious and community leaders can also act as powerful agents of change by providing and relaying adequate guidance on sexual and reproductive health to children and adolescent girls and boys. For instance, in West Africa, some religious leaders have been vocal and endorsed community efforts to end violence against women and girls (Girls not Brides, 2019[41]).

Furthermore, awareness-raising and targeted campaigns are essential to prevent, reduce and end gender-based violence. African governments have strengthened efforts in this area. For example:

Namibia implemented a nationwide campaign in 2015 to influence harmful social norms concerning gender-based violence. Entitled “Love Is”, the campaign commissioned a series of radio dramas targeting key areas such as intimate-partner violence, rape and mental illness (Government of Namibia, 2019[42]).
The Ministry of Labour of Lesotho hosts annual awareness-raising campaigns aimed at sensitising workers on issues related to sexual harassment in the workplace (Government of Lesotho, 2019[43]).
In 2014, South Africa launched the social media campaign #CountMeIn aimed at promoting collective responsibility and engaging various actors such as community and religious leaders to eradicate violence against women and children (Government of South Africa, 2019[44]).

Strengthen peace and security efforts with a gender lens through effective implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325

United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 addresses the disproportionate and unique impact of armed conflict on women, and thereby functions as a key instrument to advance the women, peace and security agenda. UNSCR 1325 emphasises the crucial role that women play in peace and security and calls for their equal participation in such processes, as well as the inclusion of a gender perspective in all areas of peacebuilding (United Nations Security Council, 2000[45]). Following the adoption of UNSCR 1325, countries have been encouraged to develop national strategies to implement the resolution. These strategies take the form of National Action Plans, which outline the policies and resources put in place to meet the objectives of the resolution. Although over half of African governments have produced a National Action Plan to implement UNSCR 132511 and its subsequent resolutions, more progress is needed to advance the women, peace and security agenda across the continent. Beyond adoption of the resolution, countries with a National Action Plan designating actions to implement UNSCR 1325 should focus on the following three axes to ensure women and girls are central to peace and security issues.

Ensure that sufficient financial resources are allocated to national action plans for the implementation of UNSCR 1325

National action plans represent the first step in the implementation of UNSCR 1325. However, even at the global level, only 41% of Member States have adopted a National Action Plan, and only 22% of all plans included a budget for implementation at the time of adoption (United Nations Security Council, 2019[46]). Some governments are taking steps in this direction:

Angola adopted its first National Action Plan on UNSCR 1325 in 2017 for the period 2017-20. The plan includes gender-responsive budgeting as one of its six objectives. Each objective has a corresponding action with an allocated budget (Peacewomen, n.d.[47]).
Liberia’s second phase National Action Plan on UNSCR 1325 for the period 2019-23 is aligned with the National Gender Policy (2018-22) in terms of gender-responsive budgeting, and aims to increase “coordination, implementation, reporting and accountability” (Government of Liberia, 2019[48]).

Incorporate a gender perspective in post-conflict peace and reconstruction processes

Gender equality is strongly correlated with human development and peaceful societies, and in this context is also closely linked with fragile contexts. It is therefore important to incorporate a gender perspective and analysis in fragile contexts to prevent conflict from occurring. The OECD’s fragility framework integrates gender across its dimensions and emphasises the significant role that persistent gender inequalities play in perpetuating fragility and impeding progress towards the SDGs (Loudon, Goemans and Koester, 2021[49]). In cases where conflict has occurred, however, policy makers need to ensure that a gender perspective is reflected in peace agreements. Furthermore, women and girls need to be empowered to participate meaningfully in the peace-building and reconstruction process of their countries.

Across Africa, only 174 out of the 611 peace agreements concluded since 1990 incorporate issues related to women, girls and gender (Bell et al., 2021[50]). However, the key role of women in conflict-affected countries is well documented. For example, during the civil war in Rwanda, women not only assumed non-traditional roles in the absence of men by becoming the sole family provider, but also organised themselves into groups to address their immediate needs. Following the 1994 war and genocide, women’s civil society organisations provided critical services to assist survivors and took part in negotiating peace in their communities. Women were also at the heart of the process that led the government to put in place structures favouring gender equality and long-lasting peace (Murungi, 2014[51]). There are numerous other examples of women’s engagement, such as in Somalia, where women organised peace rallies and used radio to educate the public about their roles in spreading peace; or in Uganda, where women not only became peace mediators, dissuading or preventing family members from participating in the war, but also participated with NGOs in psycho-social programmes catering for people who were victims of rape or severely wounded during the war (Peacewomen, 2012[52]). Governments should therefore ensure that women are included both in informal and formal decision-making in regard to conflict prevention, peacebuilding and reconstruction, and increase their representation as mediators and peace negotiators.

The Revitalized Agreement for the Resolution of Conflict in South Sudan provides evidence that when women are active contributors in peace processes, agreements are more likely to focus on women’s and girls’ needs and concerns. Women at the negotiations pushed for 35% of female representation in the Executive and called for several provisions protecting women from gender-based violence (Oxfam, 2020[53]).

Engage with civil society and women’s organisations and networks at national and local levels

Governments play a fundamental role in driving national action plans, ensuring their outcomes are consistent with national security priorities, dedicating necessary resources to support their implementation, and co-ordinating monitoring and evaluation. However, a wide range of actors can also contribute to successful implementation efforts. Governments should engage with civil society organisations and leaders, in particular women, to ensure their meaningful input into the design of national action plans, and make them key partners in implementation activities. Policy makers should therefore ensure that mechanisms are in place to enable proactive consultation with civil society organisations on the development of national action plans, and provide them with clear responsibilities to facilitate implementation.

For example, South Africa’s first National Action Plan 2020-2025 establishes “participation” as its first pillar, the first priority of which is to “develop, implement and address gender-sensitive laws, policies and strategies” through ensuring the “effective participation of civil society”. The second priority is to “ensure meaningful participation of women in peace processes, structures and institutions” includes “community-level participation” (Peacewomen, n.d.[54]).
Mali’s most recent National Action Plan for 2019-2023 offers another good example as it places women front and centre in peacebuilding and reconciliation processes, as well as in post-conflict governance. The National Action Plan was developed in consultation with civil society and recognises its essential role, including representatives in an ongoing dialogue known as a “Community of Practice”. In addition, the plans supports the efforts of women's rights organisations and movements throughout the country to implement innovative actions. The plan also emphasises decentralisation with a view to ensuring implementation at regional and local levels, empowering and encouraging women at all levels to participate in peacebuilding (Peacewomen, n.d.[55]).
Efforts of local women peace-builders and human rights defenders should also be scaled up through technical, financial and political support for those working on the frontlines to prevent and resolve conflicts, as is the case recently in the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Mali and South Sudan, for example (United Nations Security Council, 2019[46]).

Invest further in sex-disaggregated and intersectional data to identify gender data gaps and gain a better understanding of how social norms evolve

The African Union has acknowledged the importance of using harmonised and reliable data in all domains of political, social, economic and cultural activity. In 2009, the African Union adopted the African Charter on Statistics and developed the Strategy for the Harmonization of Statistics in Africa in association with development partners. One of the objectives of this strategy is to disaggregate available data according to different categories of the population including by gender, poverty, ethnic group, region, discriminated population and others (African Union, Afdb, ECA, 2009[56]). In 2015, the indicator and target framework of the SDGs called governments and national statistical systems to collect disaggregated data that can support decision makers and development practitioners in measuring and tracking progress towards the goals. This effort is underpinned by the promise of the 2030 Agenda to “leave no one behind”, a concept that has reintroduced a focus on systematically underprivileged individuals and has expanded the frontiers of global prospects regarding what data can and should be able to reveal about the lives of women and girls. The AU Strategy for Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment 2018-2028 also highlights the importance of sex-disaggregated data for their results framework and for undertaking a gender budget audit of AU expenditure, while also acknowledging the difficulty of accessing such data across countries. The strategy also highlights the fact that sex-disaggregated data are not always analysed and used to improve gender policies (African Union, 2018[36]).

Indeed, significant gaps remain in the collection, monitoring, analysis and dissemination of sex-disaggregated data across African countries. Issues of limited or missing data are not unique to gender-related issues, but constitute a pervasive problem affecting a wide range of economic and social statistics in the region. Limited financial and human resources and a lack of institutional capacity have been and possibly will continue to be a significant challenge for national statistical offices and systems in African countries. To address the root causes of gender inequality as well as gender gaps in employment, education and health, African governments should focus on the following three areas.

Overcome current gender data gaps

National and international statistical offices, international organisations and specialised government agencies, as well as the donor community promoting statistical development, should work in tandem to strengthen the quality of existing gender statistics and prioritise the collection and dissemination of new indicators to close data gaps.

For instance, in 2019, the African Centre for Statistics at the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, in collaboration with Data2X and Open Data Watch, established the Africa Gender Data Network to develop the production and use of gender data and statistics within African national statistics systems. The Network promotes gender data knowledge, enables cross-country education and exchanges, facilitates capacity building and training of government officials and technical experts, and provides a platform for participants to raise issues (Open Data Watch, 2020[57]).
In addition, with the support of the World Bank and PARIS 21, Senegal put in place its third National Strategy for the Development of Statistics 2019-23. The Strategy aims to increase the production and dissemination of sex-disaggregated data at all levels (PARIS 21, 2020[58])

Develop more sophisticated data disaggregation strategies

Disaggregated data by detailed sub-categories provides a better overview of multiple forms of discrimination, experiences and outcomes for both women and men. African countries should prioritise the type of disaggregation (e.g. by sex, age, disability, etc.) that responds best to their national needs and development objectives. For instance, national household surveys could be improved by incorporating disaggregation into the data collection process.

Collect and produce more leading and core indicators and conduct surveys across regular periods

African countries should further invest in the capacity building of national statistical systems and undertake mid-course adjustments of their national household health and well-being surveys. For instance, producing some indicators once will not be sufficient to be able to track progress over time. Countries should adopt regular data production cycles of labour force surveys, further invest in regular time-use surveys and income or expenditure as well as multi-topic household surveys

For example, Senegal has established a firm foundation for its principal gender data system. Between 2015-19, Senegal has achieved or has surpassed the recommended occurrence of national surveys, conducting four health and wellbeing surveys, five labour force surveys, two agricultural surveys or censuses, finalised its preceding census in 2013 and foresees to complete the 2020 round of population and housing censuses in 2023 (Open Data Watch, 2020[57]).

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Notes

← 1. The countries are Algeria, Benin, Burkina Faso, Cabo Verde, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Ghana, Guinea, Kenya, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Morocco, Nigeria, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Tunisia, Uganda, Tanzania and Zimbabwe.

← 2. Burundi does not have a score in this dimension because there are no laws regulating inheritance rights, matrimonial regimes and gifts in Burundi.

← 3. South Asia is home to the largest number of child brides around the world with approximately 285 million child brides.

← 4. The countries are Algeria, Burundi, Cameroon, Chad, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Djibouti, Egypt, Gabon, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Libya, Madagascar, Mali, Morocco, Niger, Republic of the Congo, Seychelles, South Sudan, Togo and the United Republic of Tanzania.

← 5. The countries are Central African Republic, Comoros, Equatorial Guinea, Gambia, Guinea, Mauritania, Senegal, Somalia, Sudan and Tunisia.

← 6. All procedures involving partial or total removal of the external female genitalia or other injuries to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons

← 7. The countries are Angola, Cabo Verde, Central African Republic, Ghana, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, Rwanda, Sao Tome and Principe, South Africa, Togo, Tunisia and Zimbabwe.

← 8. The countries are Armenia, Azerbaijan, China and India

← 9. This Indicator is based on the survey question: "Do you feel safe walking alone at night in the city or area where you live?", and the data shown here reflect the percentage of women among all the respondents who replied "yes". Data are sourced from the Gallup World Poll, which samples around 1 000 people per country, per year. The sample is ex ante designed to be nationally representative of the population aged 15 and over.

← 10. The countries are Benin, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Ghana, Malawi, Mozambique, Nigeria, South Africa, Togo and Uganda.

← 11. Across Africa, 29 of the 54 countries have ratified at least one National Action Plan on UNSCR 1325.

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