CCS businesses are widely acknowledged to significantly contribute to regional development. CCS businesses directly generate wealth, jobs and innovation which stimulates the local economy. These sectors also contribute more broadly to local ecosystems through their impact on other sectors of the economy, for example by driving revenues for other businesses within CCS supply chains and creating jobs in sectors supporting or adjacent to CCS.
These “multiplier effects” have been observed in many national contexts and for many different CCS subsectors. For example, Gutierrez-Posada et al. (2021[1]) examined the role of CCS in stimulating employment in London and find that every job in CCS generated 1.9 jobs in other sectors of the economy. Similarly, analysis of the video games industry in Canada, shows that while the sector directly supported 27 700 full-time jobs in 2019, it also supported 9 800 jobs in the video games supply chain, and stimulated an estimated 10 600 jobs through the “induced effects” of spending by videogames industry workers (ESAC/Nordicity, 2019[2]).
As well as contributing to local economic growth through supply chains and job creation, CCS generate a broad range of knowledge, industry and network spillover effects (Figure 1). Such spillovers have a strong spatial dimension and are therefore particularly important for regional development. This includes spillover effects to other businesses, but also broader effects on local communities, such as improving health and wellbeing and facilitating social cohesion. CCS can also play an important role in influencing attitudes and behaviours, and can therefore contribute to local sustainability agendas, for example in tackling climate change (WCCF, 2019[3]).
The innovation spillover effects of CCS in particular have been shown to contribute to higher productivity across regional economies. Boix-Domènech and Soler’s (2015[4]) study on CCS in 250 regions across Europe finds high correlation between labour productivity (measured as the regional GDP per person) and the proportion of people employed in some cultural and creative sectors. They distinguish between “creative services” (which includes publishing, programming and broadcasting, computer programming, architectural and engineering activities, scientific research and development, advertising and market research, design, photography, and artistic and cultural activities) and “creative manufacturing” (which includes wearing apparel, leather and related products, printing and reproduction of recorded media, and jewellery), finding that employment in creative services highly correlates with increased productivity. Moreover, they suggest that around 90% of this relationship is not due to higher productivity in CCS, but rather the generative nature of spillovers from CCS to other sectors of the economy.
However, the spillover effects of CCS on productivity are uneven across regions and differ by type of CCS activity. Using a similar methodology to the study mentioned above, applied to 275 European regions, Boix-Domènech et al. (2021[5]) find that while the presence of CCS had a significant positive effect on labour productivity on average, this was not the case across all regions and there were stark differences between the effect of creative services vs creative manufacturing. Their estimates suggest that while the effect of creative services on labour productivity was positive for 92% of regions, the effect of creative manufacturing was negative for 44% of regions meaning that in some regions, the high presence of creative manufacturing actually had a negative impact on labour productivity.