In almost all countries with available data, the share of younger adults (25-34 year-olds) without an upper secondary qualification has fallen since 2016 and for Costa Rica, Mexico, Portugal and Türkiye these declines have been in double digits in percentage-point terms. This means many more younger adults will have the opportunity to succeed in the labour market.
On average across OECD countries, the share of women with at least a bachelor's or equivalent degree has almost doubled in a generation: going from 24% among 55-64 year-olds to 47% among 25-34 year-olds, reflecting a substantial increase in educational attainment.
On average, foreign-born adults are more likely than native-born adults to have either below upper secondary attainment (by an average of 4 percentage points) or a tertiary qualification (by an average of 3 percentage points). However, differences vary widely across countries, with foreign-born adults in some countries having considerably higher attainment levels than native-born adults and lower attainment levels in others.
Education at a Glance 2024
Educational attainment measures the percentage of the population holding a formal qualification at a given level as their highest level of education. It is frequently used as a proxy measure for human capital, even if formal qualifications do not necessarily mean the holders have acquired the relevant skills in demand from employers. In professions with nationally or professionally regulated admission (e.g. medical doctors), formal recognition of qualifications is an essential requirement for exercising the profession. But even in occupations where this is not the case, employers tend to perceive formal qualifications as the most important signals of the type of knowledge and skills that potential employees have acquired. They are especially important for recent graduates, but they often affect individuals’ careers throughout their working lives.
Higher levels of educational attainment are associated with positive economic (see Chapter A4), labour-market (see Chapter A3) and social (see Chapter A6) outcomes for individuals. While educational attainment measures formal educational achievements and not learning outcomes, higher attainment is strongly correlated with greater proficiency in literacy and numeracy (OECD, 2019[1]). Highly educated adults are also more likely to participate in lifelong learning (see Chapter A5).
The benefits of higher attainment offer strong incentives for individuals to pursue their education. At the same time, many governments have adopted policies to expand access to education because of the societal and economic benefits. Together, these have resulted in strong increases in educational attainment in OECD and partner countries in recent decades.
Educational attainment among the native-born and foreign-born population should inform policies related to human capital. For instance, differences between the two groups could signal the need for formal and/or non‑formal adult education programmes (see Chapter A5). The International Migration Outlook 2022 (OECD, 2022[2]), highlights the recognition that more needs to be done to facilitate access to education among adult migrants where necessary; in OECD countries with large numbers of high-skilled jobs, a lack of education can present a substantial barrier to integration.
It is also important to consider how a country’s geographical location or proximity to other countries affects the demographics of its foreign-born population. According to the OECD’s international migration statistics (OECD, 2022[3]), for example, a large part of new permanent migration inflows in European OECD countries are from Europe. In addition, differences in the overall size and characteristics of a country’s foreign-born population, as well as its size relative to the total population and other factors likely contribute to these differences.
Although more younger adults are obtaining upper secondary qualifications than before, there is a slight decrease in the share of those for whom this is the highest level of education, as increasing numbers pursue tertiary qualifications.
Younger women consistently outpace younger men in attaining tertiary education across all OECD countries except Mexico. However, the gender gap is narrowing in some countries.
National-level data often hide important regional differences. For instance, in Brazil, Canada, Colombia, Mexico, Portugal, Spain, and the Republic of Türkiye (hereafter Türkiye), the differences between the regions with the largest and the smallest shares of adults with below upper secondary attainment are 30 percentage points or more.
Education is an asset not only because of its intrinsic value, but also because it provides individuals with skills and qualifications act as a signal of such skills. On average across OECD countries, 41% of adults (25-64 year-olds) have a tertiary qualification as their highest level of education, another 40% have attained upper secondary or post-secondary non-tertiary education, and 19% have attained below upper secondary education. Disparities among countries are large: more than 50% of adults in Costa Rica, Mexico and Türkiye lack an upper secondary qualification, while the share is the lowest, 6%, in Czechia, Poland and the Slovak Republic. At the other end of the attainment spectrum, across OECD countries, the share of adults with a tertiary qualification ranges from less than 25% in Italy and Mexico, to more than 60% in Canada (Table A1.1).
Among younger adults aged 25-34, the percentage without an upper secondary qualification has markedly decreased in almost all countries with available data since 2016, with Costa Rica, Mexico, Portugal and Türkiye experiencing double-digit percentage-point declines. Additionally, there has been a decrease in the proportion of younger adults with only an upper secondary or post-secondary non-tertiary qualification, while those attaining tertiary education have increased (Table A1.2).
Adults without upper secondary attainment face severe challenges in the labour market, reflected in higher unemployment rates and lower wages, on average compared to adults with higher levels of attainment (see Chapters A3 and A4). As the educational landscape changes, there may be a need to focus on lifelong learning and continuing education to ensure that all individuals can continue to adapt to rapidly changing job markets (see Chapter A5).
Over the period from 2016 to 2023, there has been a shift towards greater educational achievement among younger adults (25-34 year-olds) in OECD countries across the entire attainment spectrum. Among OECD countries with comparable data for both years, there has been a 3 percentage-point fall in the share of younger adults with below upper secondary attainment and Costa Rica, Mexico, Portugal and Türkiye have seen falls of more than 10 percentage points. In Korea, just 1% of 25-34 year-olds have not attained upper secondary education in 2023. Countries with already low percentages of younger adults with below upper secondary attainment have also seen improvements, with the share in the United States falling from 9% in 2016 to 6% in 2023 (Table A1.2).
When looking at individuals with below upper secondary attainment by gender, the share fell by 3 percentage points each among younger men and younger women on average for OECD countries with comparable data for both years. Costa Rica and Portugal have made considerable strides, witnessing the largest reductions in the share of younger men without an upper secondary qualification by 13 percentage points between 2016 and 2023. Türkiye has seen substantial improvements among younger women without upper secondary attainment, with the share falling from 49% to 31% over the same period (Table A1.2).
Despite this positive trend, some countries still have large proportions of younger adults without upper secondary attainment. The highest shares are in Costa Rica, where 41% of younger men and 36% of younger women have below upper secondary attainment, and Mexico, where the shares are 42% for both younger men and younger women. In Argentina, 40% of secondary school students (both male and female) leave school without a qualification. Such drop-out rates often reflect students’ failure to acquire essential skills in early childhood, exacerbated by frequent grade repetition later in life. Further expansion of early childhood education would also enable more women to continue their education or seek remunerated employment in the labour force, thereby increasing their income and life options (OECD, 2019[4]).
In contrast, Canada, Ireland, Korea, Poland and the United States had the lowest shares of younger adults without upper secondary attainment in 2023, around 5% or below for both younger men and younger women (Table A1.2).
Although more younger adults than ever before are obtaining at least an upper secondary qualification, there has been a slight decrease in the share of those with upper secondary or post-secondary non-tertiary education as their highest attainment level because more of them are going on to obtain a tertiary qualification. In 2023, 39% of 25-34 year-olds have upper secondary or post-secondary non-tertiary educational attainment on average across OECD countries with comparable data for both years, a decline of 2 percentage points compared to 2016. The share of younger men with upper secondary or post-secondary non-tertiary attainment has decreased by 1 percentage point to 44% while the share of younger women has fallen by 2 percentage points to 34%, on average across OECD countries with comparable data for 2016 and 2023 (Table A1.1).
Bachelor’s or equivalent degrees are the most common tertiary attainment level among all adults (25-64 year-olds) with a tertiary qualification, but in some countries master’s or equivalent degrees are more prevalent. This pattern may be linked to strong traditions of long first-degree programs, or conversion to the Bologna standards which reclassified some bachelor’s degrees to a master’s or equivalent. Short-cycle tertiary attainment is less common, with an average of 7% of 25-64 year-olds across OECD countries holding this degree as their highest educational qualification, but there is variation across countries. The share is less than 1% in Czechia, Greece, Italy, Mexico, Poland, Portugal and the Slovak Republic, but exceeds 20% in Canada. In Austria and Canada, short-cycle degrees are the predominant attainment among tertiary-educated adults (Table A1.1).
The share of younger adults (25-34 year-olds) with a tertiary degree increased by 5 percentage points between 2016 and 2023 on average for OECD countries with comparable data for both years. Remarkable increases – by 10 percentage points or more in Chile, Ireland, Spain and Türkiye – highlight dynamic changes in some educational systems. This may reflect a shift towards a knowledge-based economy where higher qualifications are required (Table A1.2).
Younger women (25-34 year-olds) continue to consistently outpace their male peers in attaining tertiary education across all OECD countries except Mexico. On average across OECD countries, 54% of younger women have a tertiary degree compared to 41% of younger men. Although the gender gap widened by 1 percentage point in favour of women on average across OECD countries with comparable data between 2016 and 2023, it has narrowed by at least 3 percentage points in Costa Rica, Finland, Ireland and Portugal (Table A1.2).
When it comes to attainment of at least a bachelor’s or equivalent degree among women, the younger generation outpace their older counterparts in most countries. In 2023, on average across OECD countries, 24% of 55-64 year-old women have attained this level, rising to 47% among 25-34 year-olds (Table A1.2). This increase could reflect government policies to promote higher education, either in general or focused on women, increased access to educational institutions, or societal recognition of the value of a higher education and changes in societal attitudes that have encouraged more women to pursue higher education.
The difference is particularly striking in Greece, Korea, Luxembourg and Poland, where over half of 25-34 year-old women have at least a bachelor’s or equivalent degree, compared to less than 25% among 55-64 year-old women– a testament to considerable generational progress in educational attainment. At the other end of the spectrum, there are minimal generational differences among women in South Africa while Argentina is the only country where the older generation has a higher share than the younger generation Table A1.2).
There has also been a generational improvement in attainment among men, but less pronounced: 23% of 55-64 year-olds have at least a bachelor’s degree or equivalent, compared to 35% of 25-34 year-old men (OECD, 2024[5]). However, the broad attainment picture obscures gender disparities in fields of study, with women often dominating in health and welfare but under-represented in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) (OECD, 2022[6]). Nevertheless, as economies begin to value sectors traditionally dominated by female graduates, such as health and education, and as societal norms about gender roles change, women may feel more empowered to pursue higher education in traditionally male-dominated fields, such as engineering, which have historically been associated with relatively high employment rates and salaries. Policies need to evolve not only to maintain gains among women, but also to address any emerging gaps where men may start to lag behind (OECD, 2024[7]).
Improved educational attainment across generations could be an indicator of increased social mobility, allowing individuals from younger generations to access better job opportunities and potentially achieve higher socio-economic status than their parents (see Box A1.1).
In OECD countries, foreign-born adults make up, on average, 18% of the population aged 25-64 while ranging from 1% of the population in Mexico and the Slovak Republic to 62% of the population in Luxembourg. Recognising the overall human capital of this demographic group is crucial for countries. However, there can be differences in educational achievement between native-born and foreign-born adults across OECD countries. Focusing on the percentage of native-born and foreign-born adults who have each level of educational attainment, on average, 19% of native-born adults have below upper secondary attainment, compared to 23% of foreign-born adults (i.e., 4-percentage-point difference). The figures for upper secondary or post-secondary non-tertiary attainment are 42% among native-born adults and 35% among foreign-born, while tertiary attainment stands at 39% for native-born and 42% for foreign-born adults (Table A1.3).
Focusing on the proportion of foreign-born adults among all adults with each level of education, Table A1.3 shows that in many OECD, partner and/or accession countries with available data, foreign-born adults represent a higher share among adults with below upper secondary educational attainment than among adults with higher levels of educational attainment. On average across OECD countries, foreign-born adults represent 24% of those with below upper secondary educational attainment, 15% of those with upper secondary or post-secondary non-tertiary educational attainment and 19% of those with tertiary educational attainment (Figure A1.3).
Interpreting the share of foreign-born adults among all adults with a given level of educational attainment needs to consider the overall share of immigrant population and the distribution of educational attainment in each country. For instance, Switzerland has a relatively large share of foreign-born adults (38%), but they make up an even larger share of those with below upper secondary educational attainment, at 75%, compared to only 14% of all adults (both foreign- and native-born) with below upper secondary attainment in the country. In contrast, in Luxembourg, foreign-born adults have high levels of educational attainment, with 70% having a tertiary qualification, compared to only about half of all adults (both foreign- and native-born) in the country (Figure A1.3 and Table A1.1).
The association between age at arrival in the country and educational attainment levels varies across OECD countries. In Australia, Austria, Estonia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Switzerland and the United Kingdom, tertiary attainment among foreign-born adults who arrived after the age of 15 is more than 10 percentage points higher than among those who arrived when they were younger. In contrast, in Czechia, Hungary and the Slovak Republic the difference is around 10 percentage points the other way, with younger arrivals having higher tertiary attainment rates (Table A1.3). These variations arise from a number of factors including cohort effects, differing national immigration policies and the relative appeal of each country and composition by categories of entry. Importantly, migrant youth who arrive as small children generally come along with their family and generally integrate into the host-country school system, while young adults come on their own and often do not pursue further schooling in the host country.
One finding across OECD countries is that the share of tertiary-educated adults among native-born and foreign-born adults often aligns with a country’s overall educational attainment distribution. For instance, in Canada, the share of tertiary-educated adults is notably high among native-born adults (59%) and even higher among foreign-born adults (73%), regardless of their age at arrival. Conversely, Italy has consistently low shares of tertiary-educated adults, irrespective of their country of birth: 23% for native-born and 14% for foreign-born (Table A1.3). Similarly, in countries with a large share of adults with below upper secondary attainment, this tends to be the case for both native- and foreign-born populations. This situation is partly driven by different immigration policies but other factors may also play a role, such as whether education systems offer opportunities for individuals to pursue tertiary education and/or an emphasis on lifelong learning, or labour markets that demand a more- or less-skilled labour force. Nevertheless, foreign-born adults often face barriers such as recognition of their qualifications, language skills, and integration into the host country's labour market, which can impact their educational outcomes.
Education is often regarded as a means to equalise opportunities. However, educational attainment frequently passes down from one generation to the next, potentially perpetuating inequalities. To promote social inclusion and enhance socioeconomic outcomes both now and in the future, it is crucial for countries to ensure all young people have equitable access to quality education. Children raised in families with low educational attainment typically face limited financial support for further studies (Breen and Jonsson, 2005[8]). They might also lack intellectual stimuli and the support needed to access enriching educational activities and resources, which can hinder their educational development (Cunha and Heckman, 2007[9]). This is exacerbated when the education system fails to support students from disadvantaged backgrounds. In the short term, staying in education might require giving up potential earnings from employment (see Chapter A4), which may be an additional obstacle for those from less privileged backgrounds, leading them to leave education prematurely. Children from low-income families have significantly lower rates of upward educational mobility compared to their peers from higher-income families, even when controlling for academic ability (Chetty et al., 2020[10]) and, despite increased access to education, the relative advantages of children from higher socioeconomic backgrounds have not diminished significantly over time (Pfeffer and Hertel, 2015[11]).
Intergenerational mobility in education relates closely to equity because it reflects the extent to which a society provides equal opportunities for individuals regardless of their family background. High intergenerational mobility indicates a more equitable society where individuals can achieve their potential based on their abilities rather than their socioeconomic status at birth. Conversely, low mobility suggests persistent inequities that limit opportunities for those from disadvantaged backgrounds (Blanden and MacMillan, 2016[12]) (Valentini, 2024[13]).
Intergenerational mobility in education can be analysed in two ways:
By comparing the simple distribution of educational levels attained by adults to that of their parents (Table A1.4, available online, and Figure A1.4)
This method provides a broad view of changes in educational attainment across generations and can highlight general trends in educational access and achievement. It is important to note that the analysis encompasses large age groups (25-64 year-olds and their parents) and the changes over time also reflect changes in the economic, social and cultural context between the two generations.
By analysing the educational attainment level of adults conditional to that of their parents (Table A1.4, available online). This method looks at specific subgroups within the population, comparing the educational outcomes among adults whose parents have similar educational backgrounds. For example, it analyses the proportion of adults with tertiary education whose parents also have tertiary education versus those whose parents have only upper secondary or post-secondary non-tertiary education. This approach helps to uncover the extent to which parental education influences children’s educational outcomes, highlighting whether educational inequalities persist across generations or not.
Figure A1.4 shows key patterns according to which countries with high educational attainment among adults also have high educational attainment among their parents’ generation and vice versa. In addition, the figure displays a general upward trend in educational attainment both among those with a least one tertiary-educated parent and among those with both parents without upper secondary education.
Countries like Estonia, Norway and Sweden exhibit a strong correlation between the educational attainment of parents and their children. These countries have a high share of adults with tertiary education whose parents also have tertiary education, indicating that higher educational attainment tends to persist across generations. Conversely, Croatia, Romania and Türkiye show lower overall levels of tertiary education and less intergenerational transmission, suggesting that lower educational attainment is more common and possibly harder to overcome in these contexts.
Conversely, a few countries deviate from this pattern. Notable examples include Slovenia and Spain, where tertiary educational attainment doubled from one generation to the next.
Countries like Norway, Poland and Switzerland have smaller shares of adults with below upper secondary attainment, and these adults tend to have parents with similarly low educational levels, demonstrating strong intergenerational transmission at the lower end of the educational spectrum.
Share of 25-64 year-olds and share of their parents with a given educational attainment level; in per cent
Note: Parents' educational attainment refers to the highest educational level attained by at least one parent.
1. Year of reference differs from 2021. Refer to the source table for more details.
See Table A1.4, available on line for data and under Chapter A1 Tables for StatLink. For more information see Source section and Education at a Glance 2024 Sources, Methodologies and Technical Notes (https://doi.org/10.1787/e7d20315-en).
Examining conditional attainment implies analysing the educational attainment level of adults conditional to the one of their parents to identify patterns of intergenerational dependence, and upward and downward mobility:
Intergenerational dependence: High levels of educational attainment in children mirroring their parents’ levels indicate strong dependence, suggesting limited mobility.
Upward mobility: A substantive number of children achieving higher educational levels than their parents indicates upward mobility, reflecting improved access to educational opportunities.
Downward mobility: Instances where children attain lower educational levels than their parents point to downward mobility, potentially signalling barriers to educational progress.
The increasing levels of educational attainment over time make it difficult to measure upward mobility. As more people achieve higher levels of education, the benchmark for what constitutes upward mobility shifts. This can make it harder to discern genuine improvements in educational and social mobility, as the bar for measuring success continuously rises. Consequently, even as more individuals achieve higher education, relative advantages based on family background may still persist, complicating efforts to assess true progress in educational equity.
Table A1.4 (available online) provides a detailed breakdown of intergenerational mobility in education by highlighting the educational attainment of 25-64 year-olds conditional to the educational attainment of their parents.
Overall, educational attainment is persistent over generations and the potential for upward mobility depends on parental education levels. On average, 30% of adults whose parents did not attain upper secondary education also fail to attain upper secondary education themselves, while 70% attained a higher educational level. Among those with at least one parent with upper secondary education, 53% also attained upper secondary education while 39% attained tertiary education. Finally, 72% of adults whose parents attained tertiary education also reached tertiary education.
In most countries, having at least one parent with tertiary education markedly increases the likelihood of attaining tertiary education. For instance, in Poland, 80% of adults with at least one parent who attained tertiary education also reached this level, compared to only 9% whose parents did not complete upper secondary education.
In countries such as Portugal and Türkiye, a substantive proportion of adults whose parents did not attain upper secondary education also have below upper secondary education themselves (50% in Portugal and 61% in Türkiye). This indicates a strong persistence of educational attainment across generations.
Nordic countries, such as Finland, Norway and Sweden, exhibit relatively high levels of upward educational mobility. In Finland and Sweden, for example, 30% of adults whose parents did not attain upper secondary education have completed tertiary education. This suggests that effective social policies and support systems in these countries facilitate upward mobility. Outside the Nordic countries, in Ireland 38% of adults whose parents attained upper secondary education and 31% in Spain reached tertiary education, indicating moderate upward mobility facilitated by accessible educational pathways.
Downward mobility is less prevalent but still notable in some contexts. For example, in Denmark and Norway, 17% of adults whose parents attained upper secondary education did not attain upper secondary education themselves. Furthermore, in Estonia and Finland, 40% or more of adults with at least one tertiary-educated parent have below tertiary educational attainment.
National level data often hide regional differences. For instance, in Colombia, the share of 25-64 year-olds with below upper secondary attainment varies from 19% in Bogotá District to 57% in Caquetá, a difference of almost 40 percentage points. In Canada, Portugal and Türkiye, the difference between the regions with the largest and the smallest shares of adults with below upper secondary attainment is 30 percentage points or higher (OECD, 2024[14]).
Regions which contain the capital city tend to have a smaller share of adults with lower educational attainment than the rest of the country. This is the case for both upper secondary or post-secondary non-tertiary attainment and below upper secondary attainment. The capital region has the smallest share of adults in both these categories in 15 countries with available data. In contrast, in Belgium, the Brussels Capital Region has the largest share (21%) of adults with below upper secondary attainment. In Mexico City, 31% of adults have upper secondary or post-secondary non-tertiary attainment, which is the highest share across regions (OECD, 2024[14]).
In most OECD countries, overall tertiary attainment rates vary widely across subnational regions. Among countries with available data, the share of 25-64 year-olds with tertiary degrees frequently varies by a factor of two across regions. For example, in Spain, the shares range from 21% in Ceuta to 56% in the Basque Country, while similar-sized differences exist in many other countries. In contrast, short-cycle tertiary attainment is relatively homogeneous across subnational regions (Figure A1.5). Among countries with available data, the United States has the largest difference in the share of the 25-64 year-olds with short-cycle tertiary attainment between two regions, with a 14 percentage point difference between the District of Columbia (3%) and North Dakota (17%). In Australia, Chile, Costa Rica, Israel and New Zealand, the difference does not exceed 5 percentage points (OECD, 2024[14]).
Just as they tend to have smaller shares of adults with lower attainment, capital regions in many countries often have exceptionally high tertiary attainment levels. Partly, this is due to the high number of tertiary-educated workers employed in national administrations, which have their seat in the capital region. More importantly, however, the capital region is often home to the country’s largest city. Urban areas are also more likely to host universities and tend to have higher rates of tertiary attainment than rural areas.
Diversity in attainment within countries has important policy implications. For example, some regions within a country might face shortages of skilled workers, while in others workers with the same qualifications are unemployed. It is therefore important to look beyond national averages and develop policies that can be adapted to regional contexts.
When interpreting the results for subnational entities, readers should consider that their population size can vary widely within countries. For example, in 2022, in Canada, the population of Nunavut is 40 673 people, while the population of the province of Ontario it is 15 million (OECD, 2024[15]).
25-64 year-olds; in per cent
Note: Year of reference differs from 2023: 2022 for Canada, Chile, Colombia, Israel, 2021 for Australia, 2020 for Japan, New Zealand and the United States; and 2015 for Brazil.
See under Chapter A1 Tables for StatLink.
Source: (OECD, 2024[14])), Education and Skills-Subnational education and indicators, OECD Data Explorer (http://data-explorer.oecd.org/s/3q). For more information see Source section and Education at a Glance 2024 Sources, Methodologies and Technical Notes (https://doi.org/10.1787/e7d20315-en).
Age groups: Adults refer to 25-64 year-olds; younger adults refer to 25-34 year-olds.
Country of birth: Native-born individuals are those who were born in the country where they answered the survey, and foreign-born individuals are those who were born outside the country where they answered the survey.
Educational attainment refers to the highest level of education successfully completed by an individual.
Intergenerational dependence in education refers to the influence that parents’ education has on the educational attainment of their children: for example, high levels of educational attainment in children mirroring their parents' levels. Upward educational mobility refers to children achieving higher educational levels than their parents. Downward educational mobility refers to children attaining lower educational levels than their parents.
Levels of education: See the Reader’s Guide at the beginning of this publication for a presentation of all ISCED 2011 levels.
Educational attainment profiles are based on annual data on the percentage of the adult population (25‑64 year‑olds) in specific age groups who have successfully completed a specified level of education.
In OECD statistics, recognised qualifications from ISCED 2011 level 3 programmes that are not of sufficient duration for ISCED 2011 level 3 completion are classified at ISCED 2011 level 2 (see the Reader’s Guide). Where countries have been able to demonstrate equivalencies in the labour-market value of attainment formally classified as the “completion of intermediate upper secondary programmes” – such as achieving five good General Certificates of Secondary Education (GCSEs) or equivalent in the United Kingdom (note that each GCSE is offered in a specific school subject) – and “full upper secondary attainment”, attainment of these programmes is reported as ISCED 2011 level 3 completion in the tables that show three aggregate levels of educational attainment (UNESCO-UIS, 2012[16]).
Most OECD countries include people without formal education under the international classification ISCED 2011 level 0. Averages for the category “less than primary educational attainment” are therefore likely to be influenced by this inclusion.
For more information see the OECD Handbook for Internationally Comparative Education Statistics (OECD, 2018[17]) and Education at a Glance 2024 Sources, Methodologies and Technical Notes (https://doi.org/10.1787/e7d20315-en).
Data on educational attainment for most countries are taken from OECD databases, which are compiled from National Labour Force Surveys by the OECD Labour Market, Economic and Social Outcomes of Learning (LSO) Network. Data on educational attainment for Argentina, the People’s Republic of China, India and Indonesia are taken from the International Labour Organization (ILO) database.
Data on intergenerational mobility in education in Box A1.1 come from the 2021 EU Labour Force Survey (EU-LFS) ad-hoc module on ‘Labour market situation of migrants and their immediate descendants’, which also collected data on parents’ educational attainment (Eurostat, 2024[18]). Data on the Republic of Türkiye and the United Kingdom come from Eurostat’s 2022 and 2016 EU Adult Education Survey (EU-AES) respectively (Eurostat, 2024[19]).
Data on subnational regions for selected indicators are available in the OECD Education and Skills-Subnational education and indicators (OECD, 2024[14]).
References
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Cut-off date for the data: 14 June 2024. Data and more breakdowns are available on the OECD Data Explorer (http://data-explorer.oecd.org/s/4s).
Percentage of adults with a given level of education as the highest level attained
Note: See under Chapter A1 Tables for StatLink and Box A1.2 for the notes related to this Table.
Source: OECD/ILO/UIS (2024). See Source section for more information and Education at a Glance 2024 Sources Methodologies and Technical Notes (https://doi.org/10.1787/e7d20315-en).
Percentage of 25-34 year-olds with a given level of education as the highest level attained
Note: See under Chapter A1 Tables for StatLink and Box A1.2 for the notes related to this Table.
Source: OECD/ILO/UIS (2024). See Source section for more information and Education at a Glance 2024 Sources Methodologies and Technical Notes (https://doi.org/10.1787/e7d20315-en).
Percentage of 25-64 year-olds with a given level of education as the highest level attained
Note: See under Chapter A1 Tables for StatLink and Box A1.2 for the notes related to this Table.
Source: OECD/ILO/UIS (2024). See Source section for more information and Education at a Glance 2024 Sources Methodologies and Technical Notes (https://doi.org/10.1787/e7d20315-en).
Table A1.1. Educational attainment of 25-64 year-olds (2023)
Note: In most countries data refer to ISCED 2011. For Argentina and India data refer to ISCED-97. Total might not add up to 100% for the averages because of missing data for some levels for some countries. See Definitions and Methodology sections for more information.
1. Year of reference differs from 2023: 2022 for Chile and Indonesia; and 2020 for China.
2. Data on the completion of intermediate upper secondary programmes are included in the total of upper secondary attainment.
Table A1.2. Trends in the educational attainment of 25-34 year-olds, by gender (2016 and 2023)
Note: In most countries data refer to ISCED 2011. For Argentina and India data refer to ISCED-97. See Definitions and Methodology sections for more information. Columns showing the total of men and women are available for consultation on line.
1. Year of reference differs from 2016: 2015 for Chile and Romania; and 2014 for Argentina.
2. Year of reference differs from 2023: 2022 for Chile and Indonesia.
3. Data for tertiary education include upper secondary or post-secondary non-tertiary programmes (less than 5% of adults are in this group).
4. Data for upper secondary attainment include completion of a sufficient volume and standard of programmes that would be classified individually as completion of intermediate upper secondary programmes (11% of adults aged 25-64 are in this group).
Table A1.3. Educational attainment of native- and foreign-born 25-64 year-olds, by age at arrival in the country and gender (2023)
How to read this table: Data in Columns 9, 24 and 39 show that in Australia, among native-born adults, 19% attained below upper secondary education, 40% attained upper secondary or post-secondary non-tertiary education and 41% attained tertiary education.
Note: The percentage of native- and foreign-born adults might not add up to 100% for some countries because of some missing data on country of birth. See Definitions and Methodology sections for more information. Columns showing the breakdown by gender are available for consultation on line.
1. Year of reference differs from 2023: 2022 for Chile; and 2017 for Ireland.
2. Data for upper secondary attainment include completion of a sufficient volume and standard of programmes that would be classified individually as completion of intermediate upper secondary programmes (11% of adults aged 25-64 are in this group).
Data and more breakdowns are available on the OECD Data Explorer (http://data-explorer.oecd.org/s/4s).
Please refer to the Reader's Guide for information concerning symbols for missing data and abbreviations.