A wide range of stakeholders – including migrants, local and national governments, and civil society – have an interest in the successful integration of migrants. There is, however, no consensus on how these stakeholders should interact to create a coherent integration system. Countries take a variety of approaches to organising the main responsibility for integration. There are practical reasons for this, related to the size of the government, budgets, or the legal division of responsibility across levels of government. Even the goals of government often diverge at different levels. National governments may be motivated by a philosophy of citizenship and the need to present the electorate with a coherent narrative of a functioning immigration system, whereas local governments tend to focus on the day-to-day practical needs of migrants and the smooth functioning of their locality (Gebhardt, 2015[14]). The goals a state chooses to emphasise may drive organisational choices. Because there are different ways of organising, there are also different co‑ordination concerns that need to be considered to avoid inefficiencies in service delivery.
An increasing number of countries emphasise placing responsibility for implementation of integration measures with local and regional authorities, civil society, and social partners. In some countries, such as Denmark and the United States, municipal-level management of introduction measures is longstanding. Recognising the fact that integration happens within the migrant’s community, and thus carrying out integration on a local level may be one way to improve migrant outcomes. Municipalities are well-placed to understand their local labour market and the characteristics of local programme participants. They have also proved capable of have achieving successful results with different strategies: some emphasise language training while others focus almost exclusively on on-the‑job training (Djuve et al., 2017[47]). Several countries have furthered the trend toward municipal (or regional) responsibility for integration efforts in recent years, even where the national government is the primary funding source. In Italy, the Ministry of Education funds more than 500 Provincial Adult Education Centres that have long been host to basic literacy and Italian courses. Since integration legislation in 2009 imposed a language requirement, the Ministry of Interior, which organises the language tests, has also provided support to these centres. In Spain, the national level is active only in state‑owned facilities and involved via state funding. Determinations as to provision of integration support lie with NGOs or regional governments. In Norway, municipalities design, deliver, and monitor the integration programme. Municipalities also have responsibility for co‑ordinating activities provided by other involved actors, including the county, the Norwegian Labour and Welfare Administration (NAV), private and non-profit organisations, and other public organisations.
Not every country agrees, however, that the local government should bear responsibility for integration. Cities may be best positioned to understand the needs of new arrivals, but local/municipal autonomy can create challenges, including major disparities in content and availability nationwide. Past reports in Norway highlighted the challenges some municipalities faced with implementation. For instance, despite having over a decade of experience, some municipalities are not able to meet a number of the core programme requirements. A recent survey from 33 municipalities suggests that about one out of ten refugees in the Norwegian Integration Programme did not have an individual integration plan as required by the law (Tronstad, 2019[48]).
Indeed, in certain countries, the trend has been rather one of increased central monitoring and organisation of introduction measures. The central government has a role to play in standard-setting and is often better placed to support the integration trajectory of migrants by protecting their rights and ensuring consistency of the integration offering throughout the country (Hernes, 2021[49]). National governments take the co‑ordination and implementation lead in Australia, Austria, Japan, Lithuania, Mexico, and Slovenia, among others.
Further, while various levels of government have a role to play in integration, there may be situations where the government is not the most efficient actor. There may be issues of trust to overcome. There may also be areas in which the private sector or other non-traditional actors could operate more flexibly and creatively than the state. In Germany, Italy, and the United States, centres for adult education are active in the provision of language courses. Interactions within the community and with community organisations will affect how migrants internalise the message of civic integration. In Poland and Spain, civil society plays an important role. In late 2019, the Polish Foundation “Okno na Wschód” created a Centre for Supporting Foreigners, which, in addition to organising Polish language courses, also provides broader integration advice. This sector has also proved fruitful ground for encouraging migrants to voice concerns, share experiences, and work toward integration solutions. Measures taken to encourage the community to take an active role can create a sense of belonging and also affect the community’s view of migrants.
Regardless of where primary responsibility for integration is located, consultation and co‑ordination are important to ensure the effective implementation of the programmes designed to serve the migrant population. In many OECD and EU countries to date, while multiple stakeholders are involved in integration, there is often little to no co‑ordination between them, which may lead to overlap in certain areas and under-coverage in others. Often, different integration and employment actors fund, independently advertise, and develop their own criteria for their own courses. Complex parallel integration tracks for different categories of migrants also creates potential for confusion on the implementation side. The result is such that – even where appropriate courses exist – potential learners may not be informed or eligible.
An integration system that engages a wide array of stakeholders may increase expertise, but can increase co‑ordination challenges – particularly around clarity of responsibility and cohesiveness of integration objectives. This can be observed clearly in the realm of language learning. Whereas regular language training is often funded by municipalities or agencies under the auspices of the Ministry of Interior or Home Affairs, training that is geared to the labour market is commonly financed by the public employment service. Vocational training is frequently offered by a diffuse set of actors and funded by stakeholders with different objectives. These providers may lack accredited teachers and their own curricula. Language training providers, in turn, regularly lack expertise in relevant job sectors (Pöyhönen and Tarnanen, 2015[50]). Should responsibility or objectives become too fractured, integration measures risk falling short of their goals. In these cases, both over-provision and under-provision of integration services are potential outcomes. Effective co‑ordination mechanisms can reduce these inefficiencies.