The rise in energy prices in the wake of the Covid-19 pandemic recovery in 2021, exacerbated by Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine in 20221 has prompted governments worldwide to provide relief to households and businesses. However, the support measures have raised several concerns, including issues of fairness, fiscal costs, effectiveness in staving off inflation and alignment with climate mitigation objectives. Concerns regarding fairness have arisen as higher income households were more likely to benefit from these measures (see, e.g., Ari et al. (2022[1])). Furthermore, the incidence of some support measures has also been cause for concern, since tax reductions generally benefit producers more than consumers when fuel supply is inelastic (see, e.g., OECD (2022[2]), Van Dender and Raj (2022[3])). Another important concern relates to the impact of support measures on price signals. Given the increasing urgency of climate change mitigation, lowering energy prices and in turn carbon prices signals undermines incentives to fulfil net-zero objectives.
The OECD Energy Support Measures Tracker2 is a dataset taking stock of all government interventions to support energy users since February 2021. The vintage of the database used in this report has a cut-off date of 30 January 2023 and covers 41 countries, including all OECD countries except for Hungary, Iceland and Switzerland and three of the remaining G20 economies (Brazil, India and South Africa). At the time of writing, this database is the most comprehensive source of data on energy support measures in OECD economies (see Hemmerlé et al. (2023[4])).
Most energy support measures can be classified as price or income support measures and may be targeted or broad-based; in the road transport sector, government support mostly consisted in energy price support measures that were not targeted. According to the OECD Energy Support Measures Tracker, out of more than 110 individual measures identified since February 2021, 72% were energy price support measures; 82% were not targeted.3 When they were targeted, most were targeted towards firms in the services sector.
This chapter focuses on fuel excise and carbon tax measures in the road transport sector. The focus is on this sector, because fuel excise and carbon taxes (effective carbon taxes when taken together) in this sector are the most prevalent carbon pricing instruments as compared with other sectors (see e.g., OECD (2019[5]), Amores et al. (2022[6]) and Figure 2.4). Hence any change thereof has an important impact on carbon prices. In line with the ECR methodology, rates were gathered for 1 April (or the closest available date) of 2021, 2022 and 2023 for 45 OECD and G20 countries.4 They were gathered for cases where the fuel accounted for more than 5% of carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions in the road transport sector, which implies that the analysis mainly concerns diesel and gasoline.
VAT reductions5 and price reductions (e.g. price caps) are not accounted for, and neither are fuel excise or carbon tax cuts which took place between two of the abovementioned dates on a temporary basis.6 This includes for instance, the temporary price cap on diesel and gasoline prices introduced by the Hungarian government between November 2021 and July 2022 or VAT tax cuts introduced in Luxembourg. The scope of the analysis is thus consistent with the policy instruments included in the effective carbon rates methodology. Both the OECD Tax Policy Reforms yearly report (OECD, 2023[7]) and the OECD analysis of the OECD Energy Support Measures Tracker (Hemmerlé et al., 2023[4]) provide more detail about the measures that are not accounted for in this analysis.
Most of the analysis in this chapter is done in constant 2021 prices as opposed to current prices.7 The analysis (see Table 4.1), however, starts by discussing countries according to the direction of change of tax rates on the different types of fuels expressed in current terms. There is an interest in considering such figures, as fuel excise and carbon tax rates are typically not indexed on inflation.8 In a world with low inflation rates, tracking change in current prices did not have much of an impact on the change in the price signal provided by fuel excise and carbon taxes in a set country. Considering these tax rates in current terms hence enables to consider which carbon pricing policies countries actively implemented (in most cases). In the current context, with global inflation at 4.7% in 2021 and 8.8% in 2022 (IMF, 2022[8]; IMF, 2023[9]) (and a forecast to 5.9% for G20 countries in 2023 (OECD, 2023[10])), even though policy might not have evolved yet to include considerations such as inflation, taxes expressed in constant terms matter more for behavioural purposes, in particular for the effective price signal provided for decarbonisation incentives. Hence, a major part of the analysis, which presents taxes per tonne of CO2 (as opposed to units of fuels), is done in constant 2021 prices.
Over 2021 to 2023, in the 45 OECD and G20 countries studied here, tax rates in the road transport sector (for diesel, gasoline, as well as LPG and natural gas in some cases) expressed in current local currency units (LCU) decreased in 15 countries, stagnated in 19 countries and increased in 20 countries. Out of the 19 countries which implemented fuel tax rate increases, seven have provisions for increasing fuel excise rates with inflation (see footnote 8 ). Between 2022 and 2023, there were no decreases in rates in countries which increased rates in current LCU between 2021 and 2023 – though there may have been between 2021 and 2022. In countries with no change in rates, these stayed constant throughout the period, except in Italy, where the fuel excise rate for diesel was lowered by 40% from 2021 to 2022 before getting back to its 2021 level in 2023. For countries with fuel excise rate decreases over the 2021 to 2023 period, most decreases took place between 2021 and 2022. As a reminder, temporary tax cuts that took place within the span of a year as well as price reductions (price caps), though frequent, are not accounted for here.
Carbon taxes expressed in current LCU were either stable or increased in most countries which had one in 2021, except in Slovenia, which cancelled its carbon tax in 2023. In the thirteen other countries with carbon taxes even when the fuel excise tax decreased, carbon taxes did not. This is the case for Ireland, Mexico, Norway and Sweden. Political economy constraints linked to the increase of carbon taxation might be part of the rationale behind the decoupling of these changes. Carbon taxation being a direct carbon pricing instrument as opposed to a fuel excise tax, which is first and foremost an energy tax9, may also help explain this observation: while governments might have decreased fuel excise taxes to help households and businesses cope with the current energy crisis, their aim may not have been to mute carbon price signals.
In the sample analysed in this chapter, tax cuts took place predominantly in Europe and Central Asia – where the energy crisis was possibly the most directly exacerbated by the war in Ukraine. Amongst the 45 OECD and G20 countries, 12 out of the 28 countries in Europe and Central Asia, two out of seven of the countries in East and South Asia and Pacific and one out of six countries from Latin America and the Caribbean implemented at least one fuel excise tax cut between 2021 and 2023.
Increases or decreases in fuel excise and carbon tax rates expressed in current LCU did not particularly apply more to diesel or gasoline. There were two more increases in fuel excise rates on gasoline than on diesel and two more decreases in rates on diesel than on gasoline. In terms of rate per tonne of CO2, the “diesel discount” (Harding, 2014[11]; OECD, 2019[5]) became more pronounced in about a third of countries, remained the same in another third and improved in the remaining third.