On average, the share of female new entrants into doctoral programmes has increased by 2.5 percentage points between 2005 and 2016, and women now represent almost half of the doctoral new entrants across OECD.
In 24 of the 31 countries with available data, the median age of entry into tertiary education is between 18 and 20 years old.
In almost all OECD countries, first-time entry rates to tertiary education below age 25 are higher for women than for men.
Education at a Glance 2018
Indicator B4. Who is expected to enter tertiary education?
Context
Entry rates estimate the proportion of people who are expected to enter a specific type of tertiary education programme (including short-cycle tertiary, bachelor’s degrees, master’s degrees, long first degrees and doctoral programmes) at some point during their life. They provide some indication of the accessibility of tertiary education and the degree to which a population is acquiring high-level skills and knowledge. High entry and enrolment rates in tertiary education imply that a highly educated labour force is being developed and maintained.
By enabling young adults to access higher-quality and better paid jobs, granting equal opportunities to students of all socio-economic backgrounds to higher education can be a powerful tool to reduce socio-economic and intergenerational inequalities. Ensuring gender parity in access to higher levels of tertiary education and fields of study also ensures greater gender equity in the workplace. Several governments have placed particular emphasis on improving the quality of education in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM), reflecting the critical importance of these disciplines for modern society in driving economic progress and supporting innovation. However, women are still less likely to enrol in these programmes in most OECD countries, despite the fact that they lead to higher employment rates and higher earnings.
A tertiary education system can also provide for equitable outcomes through flexible entrance criteria that support lifelong learning. Second-chance programmes can offer new opportunities to older students who might have dropped out of the education system earlier than they had wished or for those who want to improve the relevance of their skills for the labour market.
Other findings
Based on current patterns, it is estimated that an average of 58% of young adults in OECD countries will enter a bachelor’s degree or equivalent programme in their lifetime, and 24% are expected to enter a master’s or equivalent programme.
International students represent a large share of first-time entrants into tertiary education in Luxembourg (47%) and New Zealand (32%), well above the OECD average of 12%.
Note
Compared to enrolment, entry rates measure the inflow to education during a specific period and represent the percentage of an age cohort that is expected to enter a tertiary programme over a lifetime. The estimates in this indicator are based on the number of new entrants in 2016 and the age distribution of this group. Therefore, the entry rates are based on a “synthetic cohort” assumption, according to which the current pattern of entry constitutes the best estimate of the behaviour of today’s young adults over their lifetime.
International students are a significant share of the total student population in some countries, and their numbers can artificially inflate the proportion of today’s young adults who are expected to enter a tertiary programme. When international students are excluded from the calculation, the percentage of expected new entrants into tertiary programmes can change significantly.
Entry rates are sensitive to changes in the education system, such as the introduction of new programmes. The rates can be very high, even greater than 100% (thus clearly indicating that the synthetic cohort assumption is implausible), during a period when there is an unexpectedly high number of entrants. In some countries, high entry rates may reflect a temporary phenomenon, such as the effects of economic cycles and crises, university reforms driven by the Bologna Process or a surge in the number of international students. Government efforts to encourage older students to rejoin education through second-chance programmes can also boost entry rates.
Analysis
Profile of new entrants into tertiary education
Share of new entrants by level of education
Knowing the level at which students first enter tertiary education helps to determine the depth and length of the studies in which they engage. Most education systems begin tertiary education at the bachelor’s degree level.
In most OECD countries, about three-quarters of first-time entrants into tertiary education enter bachelor’s programmes, but the relative importance of either short-cycle tertiary programmes or long first degree masters’ programmes varies greatly across countries. In a few countries, such as Austria, Chile, the Russian Federation, Turkey and the United States, over 40% of both male and female new entrants into tertiary education entered short-cycle programmes. Long first degrees leading to master’s diplomas are almost non-existent in some countries, but they attract up to 25% of new entrants in others (see detailed explanation in Indicator B5).
The distribution of male and female new entrants across levels of tertiary education does not always follow the same pattern within countries. In some of them, more men than women enter short-cycle programmes. The fields of study offered in such programmes can help explain part of this difference. In Austria, Israel, Mexico, Norway, Slovenia and Sweden, for instance, at least 30% of new entrants into short-cycle tertiary programmes choose engineering, manufacturing and construction, a highly male-dominated field.
Among first-time entrants into tertiary education who entered short-cycle tertiary programmes, Japan stands out as the only country in which women (43%) significantly outnumber men (28%). Many of these programmes are in health and welfare and in services, both fields that are traditionally dominated by women.
Box B4.1. Applicants and applications to tertiary education
The number of new entrants in tertiary education depends on the potential population with an upper secondary qualification who can apply to tertiary education (see Indicator A2), the attractiveness of tertiary education (see Indicators A4 and A5), the potential offer (number of available first-degree tertiary programmes and places in these programmes), and the selectivity of admission systems to these programmes (see Indicator D6 in Education at a Glance 2017 (OECD, 2017[1])). In 2017, to shed light on systems for admission to tertiary education, the OECD carried out a survey on the number of applicants and applications to first-degree tertiary programmes (see Annex 3 for notes).
Among the 30 countries and economies that responded to the survey, data on the number of applicants and/or applications are available in only 13 countries. Several factors may explain why data are not available elsewhere. In some countries data are not centrally compiled/located (for example, in Austria, Germany, New Zealand and Poland). In other countries, data are not available as there are open admissions systems where all people with the required attainment level are accepted (for example in the French and Flemish Communities of Belgium and Switzerland).
Among countries with available data, the number of applications to tertiary education varies largely between countries, partly reflecting differences in admissions systems. In the ten countries with data on both the number of applicants and the number of applications for the 2016 reference year, each student (excluding international students) made, on average, one application in the Netherlands, but about seven applications in France. Students in France applied through a centralised system, and could make up to 24 applications and received 1 potential offer. In the Netherlands, students also applied through a centralised system, but could make only up to 3 applications and received the result for each of them. Application fees can also affect the number of applications. These fees can vary between institutions and fields of study and can reach significant amounts. In countries with available data, they average USD 100 or less, but they can reach USD 1 000 or more in some countries for specific institutions or fields (OECD, 2017[1]).
While more than half of countries and economies with available data have open admission systems in public tertiary institutions (all applicants with the minimum qualification level required are admitted), the other half operate on a selective system in which enrolment in programmes is limited and decided on the basis of specific selection criteria. However, nearly all systems, whether open or selective, have limitations in the admission systems for at least some fields of study (OECD, 2017[1]).
The most selective systems may be those with the highest proportions of applicants whose applications were rejected. Among the 19 countries with data on the number of applicants, only 13 can report the distribution of applicants by result of their applications (Figure B4.a). The proportion of applicants rejected varies from less than 5% in Australia to more than 60% in Finland and Sweden. In both these countries, admissions are restricted for all programmes and fields of study, and the number of admissions results from a negotiation between tertiary institutions and the central government. These rates may hide larger variations within countries between different fields of study.
However not all applicants who were successful in the admission process enrol in these programmes. In the 13 countries with available data, the proportion of applicants accepted but not studying exceeds 10% in Denmark, Israel, the Slovak Republic and Slovenia and 25% in Norway. The possibility of deferred enrolment may explain differences in the number of successful applicants and new entrants.
More generally, there may be delays between upper secondary graduation, application and entry to tertiary education. Among the ten countries that provided data, the number of applicants is lower than the number of upper secondary graduates. This is expected, as graduates can stop or delay their studies (to enter the labour market), and this is not necessarily counterbalanced by people applying several years after graduating from upper secondary level. However, the number of applicants to tertiary education is higher than the number of upper secondary graduates in both Finland (by 35%) and Norway (by 75%). This is likely due to delayed entry to tertiary education combined with the limited number of student positions in tertiary institutions. This is consistent with the wider age distribution observed among new entrants to tertiary education in these countries, as well as the lower entry rate of adults under 25. Difficulties in balancing changes in the number of upper secondary graduates and available positions in tertiary institutions may also explain the difference in some countries.
The different systems of admission to tertiary education combined with the different ways people graduate from upper secondary level and apply to and enrol in tertiary programmes and challenges in compiling the data make difficult to estimate the demand for tertiary education in the different countries.
Age of new entrants into tertiary education
National differences in the age at which young people graduate from upper secondary education and the intake capacity of tertiary education institutions result in significant variations in the age of new entrants into tertiary education among OECD countries. In particular, admissions with numerus clausus (a fixed maximum number of entrants admissible to an academic institution), one of many methods used to limit the number of students who may study at a tertiary institution, may defer the entry of a significant share of students (Box B4.1). Besides, a few countries implemented mandatory army or civil service, which can also delay entry into tertiary education (e.g. Israel).
Traditionally, students enter tertiary programmes immediately after completing upper secondary education, and this remains true in many countries. Indeed, in 24 of the 30 countries with available data, the median age of entry into tertiary education is between 18 and 20 years old, meaning that half of the new entrants into tertiary education have entered tertiary programmes by the age of 20. Structural factors, such as admission procedures or the typical age at which students graduate from upper secondary education, explain the small differences in the median age of entry across countries. In a few countries, over half of the students enter tertiary education at a later age. This is the case in Israel, for example, where military service is compulsory, and in Finland, where universities have implemented a numerus clausus (Figure B4.2).
In six countries, the oldest 20% of new entrants are older by 5 years or more than the median age of entry, which itself is between 18 and 20. The causes of such a wide entry-age distribution are ambiguous. They could reflect the existence of second-chance and lifelong learning programmes and, therefore, be characteristic of a more flexible system that allows for re-entry into the education system after having worked. On the other hand, delayed entry can be the sign of numerus clausus or difficulties in financing tertiary education right after graduating from upper secondary education. Delayed entry might be a problem from an economic point of view, because it means that adults take longer to enter the labour market and to start contributing financially to society. However, second-chance programmes can also be aimed at adults who, for some reason, were not able to move to tertiary education and entered the labour market right after graduating from upper secondary education. It is difficult to determine the right balance between promoting earlier access and graduation from tertiary education and enabling opportunities for older adults through second-chance programmes. The internationalisation of higher education can also influence the age distribution at entry. In Austria, Denmark and New Zealand, for instance, international students represent a higher share of new entrants than on average across OECD countries, and they are usually older.
Profile of new entrants into doctoral programmes
Among the different levels of tertiary education, graduate-level research, particularly at the doctoral level, plays a crucial role in innovation and contributes significantly to the national and international knowledge base. Businesses are attracted to countries that make this level of research readily available (Halse and Mowbray, 2011[2]), while individuals who attain this level of education benefit from higher employment rates (see Indicator A3).
International students
Several countries are developing doctoral programmes or changing their funding policy to attract international students. Attracting the best students from around the world helps to ensure that a country plays a leading role in research and innovation. Among all tertiary programmes, international students make up the largest share of the new entrants population at doctoral level. On average across OECD countries, international students account for 28% of the new entrants to programmes at the doctoral level. In 7 of the 33 countries for which data are available, more than 40% of new entrants to doctoral programmes are international, and the proportion reaches 78% in Luxembourg (Table B4.2).
Age of entry
On average across OECD countries, 59% of entrants at the doctoral level are under age 30 (Table B4.1). Across OECD countries, the average age of entry at this level is between 26 (the Netherlands) and 38 (Korea). A larger share of younger entrants may reflect lower dropout rates and greater emphasis on acquiring specialised skills. Some countries offer incentives (such as grants, scholarships, international mobility programmes, part-time jobs and distance learning) to encourage students to pursue advanced studies right after completion of their first degree in tertiary education. Given that the academic labour market is becoming increasingly competitive, pursuing doctoral studies as early as possible might increase one’s chances of having a better career in research. Depending on the type of career one expects after completing a doctorate, gaining a few years of experience on the labour market before pursuing doctoral studies might also be a relevant choice. By contrast, tuition fees, availability of scholarships, and country-specific social expectations (such as being expected to enter the labour force by a certain age or to gain professional experience before entering advanced education) may explain why some new entrants are older.
Fields of study
New entrants to doctoral programmes are more likely to enrol in STEM fields than any others, reflecting the differences in employability of doctoral graduates across fields, as well as the research and innovation funding policies of countries. Quite a few new entrants to doctoral studies also enter health and welfare programmes, while students are much less likely to enrol in doctoral studies in the humanities, degrees that mainly lead to careers in academia.
Gender
The share of women in doctoral programmes has increased in the past decade. On average across OECD countries, the share of female new entrants into doctoral programmes increased by 2.5 percentage points between 2005 and 2016, reaching 48% in 2016. Women accounted for about half of doctoral new entrants (between 48 and 52%) in 20 countries in 2016, displaying a common trend towards a fairer representation of women in doctoral programmes. However, some strong differences across countries remain, ranging from 55% or more of female new entrants in Argentina and Poland to under 40% in Colombia, Indonesia, Japan, Luxembourg and Saudi Arabia (Figure B4.1).
International students make up the largest share of new entrants at the doctoral level, but only four out of ten are women, on average across OECD countries. Women represent less than 50% of international new entrants into doctoral programmes in all countries except Austria and Chile. Therefore, the gender imbalance observed in some countries might be influenced by the higher share of international students entering doctoral studies and the relative under-representation of women among them.
On average across OECD countries, about a third of the women and half of the men who pursue doctoral studies enter a STEM field of study. Among these fields, men are twice as likely as women to pursue a doctorate in engineering, manufacturing and construction and three times as likely to enter a doctoral programme in information and communication technologies (ICT).
These differences in how men and women select their field of study closely reflect those observed at bachelor’s level. Women are not under-represented in all STEM fields, but mostly in technical fields such as engineering, manufacturing and construction and ICT. Women are, however, over-represented in the health and welfare field, which requires just as much scientific knowledge as other fields, but generally leads to jobs that could be qualified as “care jobs”, in which women are usually over-represented. The gender divide in choice of field of study does not, therefore, fully correspond to the expected “humanistic-scientific” divide, but rather to what (Barone, 2011[3]) calls a “care-technical” divide that translates later on in labour market occupations.
These two phenomena, however, cannot fully account for the under-representation of women in doctoral studies in some countries. In some countries, women may choose to apply less often to doctoral programmes, anticipating the likelihood of lower-paid less prestigious positions in academia (Ginther and Kahn, 2004[4]). As the academic workforce is often male-dominated, women might be deterred from trying to have a career in academic research, fearing cultural and gender bias (Bosquet, Combes and García-Peúalosa, 2014[5]). Also, women could tend to self-select into less competitive career paths because they have been taught to do so earlier in life (Niederle and Vesterlund, 2007[6]) (Gneezy, Niederle and Rustichini, 2003[7])
Entry rates to tertiary education
It is estimated that, on average across OECD countries, 66% of young adults will enter tertiary education for the first time in their life, if current patterns of entry continue. Chile (89%), Denmark (86%) and New Zealand (91%) have the highest first-time tertiary entry rates among OECD countries. In these countries, these rates are typically inflated by a larger population of older students and international students or a high rate of entry into short-cycle tertiary education (Table B4.3).
Comparing the first-time entry rate of adults under age 25 with total first-time entry rates for a population (excluding international students) provides a sense of general accessibility versus delayed entrance into tertiary education. For example, first-time entry rates of adults under age 25 are similar in Italy and Sweden (40-41%, compared to the OECD average of 49%), but the total first-time entry rate in Sweden is 10 percentage points higher than in Italy, suggesting that the lower entry rate below age 25 is more a question of deferred entrance in Sweden and of access in Italy. This is also corroborated by the age distribution of new entrants into tertiary education shown in Figure B4.2.
While 50% of young adults are likely to enter tertiary education for the first time under age 25, in most OECD countries with data, the trend to enter higher education at an earlier age is driven by women (Figure B4.3). The difference between the first-time entry rates of women and men under age 25 is 13 percentage points on average across OECD countries, but is equal to or higher than 17 percentage points in Belgium, Denmark, Iceland, Israel and Norway. Only in Colombia, Finland, Luxembourg and Mexico do entry rates of men and women under age 25 differ by 5 percentage points or less. While men may choose to enter higher education at a later age, this suggests that the already established trend for women to outnumber men in higher education is likely to continue.
Indeed, the first-time entry rates under age 25 have increased for both men and women between 2005 and 2016 in almost all countries with available data, but the gender gap has not been significantly reduced. Entry rates have increased by 9 percentage points on average for women and 8 percentage points for men, across countries for which data are available for both dates, and the trends in entry rates for men and women have followed parallel trajectories. Germany is an exception, as the entry rates under age 25 were almost equal in 2005 (35% for women and 33% for men), and they are almost 10 percentage points apart in 2016 (56% for women and 47% for men). Denmark and Lithuania are the only two countries in which the entry rates under age 25 have increased more for men than for women. In both Denmark and Lithuania, however, the entry rates remain much higher for women than for men.
International students can significantly affect tertiary entry rates in certain countries. When international students are excluded, Australia, a strong destination country for international students, sees its entry rate to bachelor’s programmes drop from 97% to 78%, still remaining, however, the highest entry rate in bachelor’s programmes across OECD countries. Conversely, Luxembourg has the lowest entry rate across OECD countries, due to the large proportion of its citizens that study abroad.
Definitions
Entry rate is the sum of age-specific entry rates, calculated by dividing the number of entrants of a certain age in a certain education level by the total population of that age.
Entry rate adjusted for international students is the entry rate calculated when excluding international students in the numerator of each age-specific entry rate.
First-time tertiary-level entry rate is an estimated probability, based on current entry patterns, that a young adult will enter tertiary education for the very first time.
International students are those students who left their country of origin and moved to another country for the purpose of study. International students enrolling for the first time in a programme are considered first-time entrants.
New entrants are students who enrol at the relevant level of education for the first time.
Tertiary-level entry rate is an estimated probability, based on current entry patterns, that a young adult will enter tertiary education during his or her lifetime.
Methodology
The net entry rate for a specific age is obtained by dividing the number of first-time entrants of that age for each type of tertiary education by the total population in the corresponding age group. The sum of net entry rates is calculated by adding the rates for each year of age. The result represents an estimate of the probability that a young person will enter tertiary education in his/her lifetime if current age-specific entry rates continue.
For more information, please see the OECD Handbook for Internationally Comparative Education Statistics 2018: Concepts, Standards, Definitions and Classification (OECD, 2018[8])and Annex 3 for country-specific notes (http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/eag-2018-36-en).
Data were collected on applicants and applications to tertiary education for first-degree programmes (i.e. first-degree bachelor's programmes/applied higher education programmes [ISCED 665, 666] and first-degree master's programmes [ISCED 766]). The population includes new applicants and applications. New applicants include people who applied for the first time to first-degree tertiary programmes, and people who applied for the second or subsequent time to these first-degree programmes, excluding applicants who were already enrolled as students and asked to change their field of study or institution.
Lithuania was not an OECD member at the time of preparation of this publication. Accordingly, Lithuania does not appear in the list of OECD members and is not included in the zone aggregates.
Source
Data refer to the academic year 2015/16 and are based on the UNESCO-UIS/OECD/EUROSTAT data collection on education statistics administered by the OECD in 2017 (for details, see Annex 3 at http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/eag-2018-36-en).
Data on applicants and applications to tertiary education were collected for the school year 2015/16 through an ad hoc OECD survey carried out in 2017.
Note regarding data from Israel
The statistical data for Israel are supplied by and are under the responsibility of the relevant Israeli authorities. The use of such data by the OECD is without prejudice to the status of the Golan Heights, East Jerusalem and Israeli settlements in the West Bank under the terms of international law.
References
[3] Barone, C. (2011), “Some things never change”, Sociology of Education, Vol. 84/2, pp. 157-176, http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038040711402099.
[5] Bosquet, C., P. Combes and C. García-Peúalosa (2014), “Gender and promotions: Evidence from academic economists in France”, Laboratoire Interdisciplinaire d'Evaluation des Politiques Publiques (LIEPP) Working Paper n°29, http://www.sciencespo.fr/liepp (accessed on 02 May 2018).
[4] Ginther, D. and S. Kahn (2004), “Women in economics: Moving up or falling off the academic career ladder?”, Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 18/3, pp. 193-214, http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/0895330042162386.
[7] Gneezy, U., M. Niederle and A. Rustichini (2003), “Performance in competitive environments: Gender differences”, The Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. 118/3, pp. 1049–1074, http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/00335530360698496.
[2] Halse, C. and S. Mowbray (2011), “The impact of the doctorate”, Studies in Higher Education, Vol. 36/5, pp. 513-525, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03075079.2011.594590.
[6] Niederle, M. and L. Vesterlund (2007), “Do women shy away from competition? Do men compete too much?”, The Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. 122/3, pp. 1067-1101, http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/qjec.122.3.1067.
[8] OECD (2018), OECD Handbook for Internationally Comparative Education Statistics 2018: Concepts, Standards, Definitions and Classifications, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264304444-en.
[1] OECD (2017), Education at a Glance 2017: OECD Indicators, OECD Publishing, Paris, http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/eag-2017-en.
Indicator B4 Tables
Table B4.1. Profile of new entrants into doctoral programmes (2016)
Table B4.2. Profile of first-time entrants into tertiary education (2016)
Table B4.3. First-time entry rates, by tertiary level (2016)
Data can be found on line at http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/eag-data-en. More breakdowns can also be found at http://stats.oecd.org/, Education at a Glance Database.