Education at a Glance 2018

OECD Indicators

Report

Education at a Glance

11 September 2018

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Indicator B7. How equitable are entry and graduation in tertiary education?

Individuals whose parents have not attained tertiary education are under-represented among new entrants and first-time graduates from bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programmes.
Men whose parents are not tertiary-educated are less likely than their female counterparts to enter and graduate from bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programmes.
The share of first- or second-generation immigrants is lower among new entrants to bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programmes than in the population.

Figure B7.1. Share of 18-24 year-olds whose parents have not attained tertiary education among new entrants to bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programmes and in the population (2015)

Context

Growing evidence that a tertiary education leads to better labour-market and social outcomes (see Chapter A) has raised a number of questions around access to higher education and brought equity to the forefront of the policy debate on tertiary education. Across OECD and partner countries, governments are increasingly committed to ensuring that access to tertiary education is not dependent on socio-economic or demographic background.

This indicator measures the extent to which entry to and graduation from tertiary programmes differ for individuals from potentially disadvantaged backgrounds. Two characteristics are used to identify potentially disadvantaged groups: 1) parents’ highest level of educational attainment; and 2) immigrant background. Parental education is linked to income and wealth, and evidence shows that it is highly correlated with a variety of educational outcomes, such as attainment levels (see Indicator A1), choice of programme orientation (see Indicator B3) and skills acquisition (OECD, 2013[1]). Immigrant background, although not always indicative of a disadvantage, is also correlated with lower student performance (OECD, 2018[2]). Students with an immigrant background must often overcome adversities associated with displacement, socio-economic disadvantage and language barriers.

Inequalities observed at the tertiary level may not only reflect barriers to entry to tertiary education, but also differences in study and career choices. Moreover, inequalities can stem from earlier levels of education. Many disadvantaged students leave the education system before even reaching the point at which they could enter a tertiary programme (Box B7.1). In order to design effective policies to tackle inequality, it is important to better understand when and how these observed inequalities start to accumulate.

Other findings

Lower parental educational attainment tends to be associated with a delay in entering a bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programme.

Among countries with data, students without tertiary-educated parents represent an increasingly smaller share at each step when comparing upper secondary entrants, upper secondary graduates and tertiary entrants. The under-representation of students from potentially disadvantaged backgrounds in tertiary education may reflect inequities at earlier levels of education, not necessarily barriers to entry at the tertiary level.

The patterns of inequality observed for first or second- generation immigrants in tertiary education varies widely across countries, reflecting the heterogeneity of the immigrant populations in these countries.

Analysis

Representativeness of potentially disadvantaged groups among tertiary students

Inequality in tertiary education can be measured by comparing the share of young adults from potentially disadvantaged groups among tertiary students and in the overall population. In a perfectly equal society, these two shares should coincide, i.e. the share of individuals from a potentially disadvantaged group in the population should match their share among tertiary entrants and graduates. For instance, a lower share among entrants than in the overall population signals under-representation and lower access of this demographic group to higher education.

Analysis by parents’ educational attainment

In all countries with available data, individuals whose parents have not attained tertiary education are under-represented among new entrants to bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programmes. On average across countries with available data, people whose parents are not tertiary-educated represent 65% of the population aged 18-24, but only 47% of 18-24 year-old new entrants. There is, however, significant variation across countries. In Italy, the share of 18-24 year-olds without tertiary-educated parents is 82% in the population and 71% among new entrants, while the share in Finland is 46% in the population and 29% among new entrants (Figure B7.1).

Individuals without tertiary-educated parents tend to be disadvantaged not only in entry to tertiary education, but also in graduation from tertiary education. In fact, in all countries with available data, they are also under-represented among first-time graduates from bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programmes (Table B7.2). On average in countries with available data, 61% of 20-29 year-olds in the overall population have parents who are not tertiary-educated, but this share goes down to 44% among first-time graduates aged 20-29.

Analysis by immigrant background

Immigrant background also appears to affect individuals’ entry to and graduation from tertiary education. In all countries with available data, first- or second- generation immigrants are less likely to enter bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programmes than their non-immigrant counterparts (Figure B7.2). First-generation immigrants refer to individuals born abroad and whose both parents were also born abroad, and second-generation immigrants refer to those born in the country, but whose both parents were born abroad. The analysis throughout this indicator does not disaggregate between first- and second- generation immigrants. Both definitions exclude international students.

Figure B7.2. Share of 18-24 year-olds who are first- or second- generation immigrants among new entrants to bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programmes and in the population (2015)

In Norway, first- or second- generation immigrants age 18-24 make up 15% of the population, compared to 10% of new entrants to bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programmes, while in Greece they make up 19% of the population and 9% of new entrants. These differences may reflect, in part, differences in the level of education of the immigrant population of these countries (see Indicator A1). In a few countries, the share of immigrants in the population is quite low (e.g. 6% in Finland and Slovenia), which should be taken into account when analysing these results.

A similar pattern of under-representation of first- or second- generation immigrants is observed among first-time graduates (Table B7.4). However, the extent of this under-representation varies across countries. In Switzerland, 33% of the population aged 20-29 are immigrants, and this share goes down to 14% among first-time graduates, while in Israel, 27% of the 20-29 year-olds are immigrants, compared to 25% of first-time graduates. It is important to exercise caution when comparing the share of immigrants among graduates with their share in the population because immigrants of this age group may arrive in the host country having already attained tertiary education, or may not have enough time to attain it before the age of 29 (see Indicator A1).

The under-representation of first- or second- generation immigrants in bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programmes may be due to several factors, including potential language barriers (in particular for individuals who entered the country at a later age), or systematic differences in the socio-economic background of the immigrant population (OECD, 2018[2]). It is, therefore, important to take into account the particularities of the immigrant population of each country when drawing policy conclusions.

The compounded effect of gender

There is a general pattern showing that men whose parents have not attained tertiary education are even less likely to enter and graduate from a bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programme than their female counterparts. On average in countries with available data, 64% of 18-24 year-old men and women have parents who have not attained tertiary education. However, only 43% of male new entrants have parents who have not attained this level, compared to 49% of female new entrants (Figure B7.3). This means that individuals with lower-educated parents are more under-represented among male new entrants than among female new entrants. This may be at least partly explained by the higher opportunity cost of entering tertiary education for men. Although men benefit from higher financial returns to tertiary education (see Indicator A5), they may decide to enter the labour market earlier because, in the short-term, pursuing tertiary education implies higher foregone earnings for them than for women (see Indicator A3). Men also have lower completion rates from upper secondary education (see Indicator A9 in (OECD, 2017[3])), which can contribute to their lower entry rates to tertiary education.

The pattern observed for first-time graduates of bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programmes is similar. In all countries with available data, the share of 20-29 year-olds without tertiary-educated parents is similar for men and women, but it is higher among female first-time graduates than among male first-time graduates (Table B7.2). On average, 62% of the female population aged 20-29 and 61% of their male counterparts do not have tertiary-educated parents, but this share goes down to 47% among female first-time graduates and only 39% among male first-time graduates.

While greater inequalities linked to parental education are observed with men, strong gender differences do not exist in inequalities linked to immigrant background. In most countries with available data, the share of first- or second- generation immigrants is similar for men and women, both in the overall population and among students.

Relationship between parents’ educational attainment and the age of entry to tertiary education

Previous figures have indicated that individuals whose parents have not attained tertiary education tend to be under-represented among new entrants to bachelor’s and long first degree programmes. However, it is also interesting to investigate whether parents’ educational attainment can affect decisions on when to enter such programmes.

Figure B7.4 shows that lower parental educational attainment is associated with delayed entrance to bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programmes. On average across countries with available data, 82% of new entrants whose parents are not tertiary-educated enter before age 25, compared to as high as 90% of new entrants with at least one tertiary-educated parent. In fact, this pattern of delayed entrance to tertiary education is observed in all countries with available data, with the exception of Italy, where all students enter before age 25.

Several factors may contribute to the delayed entrance of individuals whose parents have not attained tertiary education, and this may differ across countries. Entrance may occur at a later age due to time spent in the labour force, delays in completing upper secondary education or, in the case of first-generation immigrants, to late arrival in the host country. This delay in entrance may pose equity concerns, particularly if it is not the result of a deliberate choice by the student and if it later translates into disadvantages in the labour market.

Figure B7.3. Share of 18-24 year-olds whose parents have not attained tertiary education among new entrants to bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programmes and in the population, by gender (2015)

Box B7.1. Inequalities at the tertiary level may stem from earlier levels of education

The tables and figures in this indicator show a general pattern across OECD countries of under-representation of potentially disadvantaged groups in tertiary education. However, when interpreting inequality in entry to tertiary education, it is important to take into account the fact that inequalities tend to accumulate throughout an individual’s educational path. Under-representation of disadvantaged students in tertiary programmes could thus be due to obstacles in entering tertiary education itself or to obstacles that have kept these individuals from progressing at earlier levels.

This box addresses this issue by combining data disaggregated by parental educational attainment for tertiary and upper secondary education. This analysis only provides a limited view of the accumulation of inequalities throughout education, which actually begin as soon as early childhood education, but it does help shed light on the problem.

Figure B7.ab shows the student composition by parents’ educational attainment at three different stages: 1) entry to upper secondary education; 2) graduation from upper secondary education within the theoretical duration and 3) entry to tertiary education. In most countries, the shares decrease at each step, highlighting the fact that potentially disadvantaged students are less likely to advance through education.

This figure also helps determine the extent to which the inequality observed in tertiary education stems from an earlier level. In Norway, for example, students whose parents have not attained tertiary education seem to face particular obstacles to graduate from upper secondary education. However, those who do graduate from this level are almost equally likely to move on to tertiary education as students with at least one tertiary-educated parent. This finding suggests that there are no significant barriers to entry at the tertiary level in Norway, and that the inequalities observed at this level are instead a reflection of fewer students without tertiary-educated parents graduating upper secondary education than their peers with at least one tertiary-educated parent.

The pattern is different in Israel, where most of the students whose parents have not attained tertiary education are almost equally likely to graduate upper secondary education as those with at least one tertiary-educated parent. However, their representativeness within entrants to tertiary education drops 15 percentage points, from 54% of upper secondary graduates to 39% of tertiary entrants. This result suggests that there are particular barriers to entry into tertiary education that may be disproportionately impacting disadvantaged students.

The barriers to entry at the tertiary level can also be a reflection of the student’s upper secondary degree. In many countries there are upper secondary programmes that do not offer access to tertiary education. So although students from a disadvantaged background may be an upper secondary graduate, he or she may not have obtained the necessary credentials to enter tertiary education.

This is the case in the Netherlands, where about 40% of students enter upper secondary education in two-year or three-year vocational programmes that do not grant access to tertiary education. If only programmes that provide access to tertiary education were considered, the gap between upper secondary graduates and tertiary entrants in the Netherlands would drop from the 12 percentage points shown in Figure B7.ab to only 4 percentage points. This indicates that the under-representation of disadvantaged groups in tertiary education in the Netherlands is more likely a result of inequalities when choosing upper secondary programmes than barriers in access to tertiary education.

The fact that inequalities observed in tertiary education may stem from earlier levels of education does not fully explain the issues with access to tertiary education and does not diminish the problem itself. However, understanding what factors contribute to the problem is essential to designing better policies.

Figure B7.a. Upper secondary entrants, upper secondary graduates and tertiary entrants aged 18-24, by parents’ educational attainment

Figure B7.4. Share of new entrants to bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programmes who are below the age of 25, by parents’ educational attainment (2015)

Relationship between parents’ educational attainment and the choice of tertiary programme

Parents’ educational attainment may affect not only the decision on whether to pursue tertiary education, but also the choice of tertiary programme to enter.

Figure B7.5 shows that in all countries with available data, new entrants to tertiary education whose parents have not attained this level are more likely to enter a short-cycle tertiary programme than a bachelor's or long first degree programme, compared to new entrants with at least one tertiary-educated parent. For instance, in Slovenia, among new entrants whose parents have not attained tertiary education, 27% enter a short-cycle tertiary programme, and 73% enter a bachelor's, long first degree or equivalent programme. Among new entrants with at least one tertiary-educated parent, only 15% enter a short-cycle tertiary programme, and 85% enter a bachelor's, long first degree or equivalent programme.

Graduates from bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programmes tend to have higher earnings and higher employment rates than graduates from short-cycle tertiary programmes (see Indicators A3 and A4). Therefore, if disadvantaged groups are under-represented in bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programmes, this may accentuate inequalities in the labour market. The potential for short-cycle tertiary programmes to contribute to improving educational equality will relate to their ability to provide students with the relevant skill sets to succeed in the labour market or in their further education.

Figure B7.5. Share of 18-24 year-olds who entered short-cycle programmes versus bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programmes, by parents' educational attainment (2015)

Definitions

New entrants to bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programmes are students who enrol in this level of education for the first time. For this indicator, we only consider new entrants age 18-24.

First-time graduates from bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programmes are students who graduate from this level of education for the first time. For this indicator, we only consider first-time graduates age 20-29.

Parents have not attained tertiary education means that neither parent has attained ISCED 2011 levels 5 to 8.

First-generation immigrants are foreign-born of two parents who are also foreign-born. This definition excludes international students.

Second-generation immigrants are native-born of two foreign-born parents.

Methodology

For each age group, gender and critical group (individuals without tertiary-educated parents and with an immigrant background), the share of new entrants/first-time graduates is calculated as the number of new entrants/first-time graduates who belong to the critical group divided by the total number of new entrants/first-time graduates (Tables B7.1, B7.2, B7.3 and B7.4, and Figures B7.1, B7.2 and B7.3).

The share of new entrants below age 25 is computed as the number of new entrants below age 25 divided by the total number of entrants of all ages (Figure B7.4).

The share of 18-24 year-olds who entered short-cycle tertiary programmes is computed as the number of new entrants to short-cycle tertiary programme divided by the total number of entrants to all tertiary education programmes (both short-cycle tertiary programmes and bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programmes). Similarly, the share of 18-24 year-olds who entered bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programmes is computed as the number of new entrants to bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programme divided by the total number of entrants to all tertiary education programmes (Figure B7.5).

Lithuania was not an OECD member at the time of preparation of this publication. Accordingly, Lithuania does not appear in the list of OECD members and is not included in the zone aggregates.

Source

Data refer to the academic year 2014/15 and were collected through an ad-hoc survey undertaken in 2017 and 2018.

Note regarding data from Israel

The statistical data for Israel are supplied by and are under the responsibility of the relevant Israeli authorities. The use of such data by the OECD is without prejudice to the status of the Golan Heights, East Jerusalem and Israeli settlements in the West Bank under the terms of international law.

References

[2] OECD (2018), The Resilience of Students with an Immigrant Background: Factors that Shape Well-being, OECD Publishing, Paris, http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264292093-en.

[3] OECD (2017), Education at a Glance 2017: OECD Indicators, OECD Publishing, Paris, http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/eag-2017-en.

[1] OECD (2013), OECD Skills Outlook 2013: First Results from the Survey of Adult Skills, OECD Publishing, Paris, http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264204256-en.

Indicator B7 Tables

Table B7.1. Share of 18-24 year-olds whose parents have not attained tertiary education among new entrants to bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programmes and in the population, by gender (2015)

Table B7.2. Share of 20-29 year-olds whose parents have not attained tertiary education among first-time graduates from bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programmes and in the population, by gender (2015)

Table B7.3. Share of 18-24 year-olds who are first- or second- generation immigrants among new entrants to bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programmes and in the population, by gender (2015)

Table B7.4. Share of 20-29 year-olds who are first- or second- generation immigrants among first-time graduates from bachelor’s, long first degree or equivalent programmes and in the population, by gender (2015)

Cut-off date for the data: 18 July 2018. Any updates on data can be found on line at http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/eag-data-en.

https://doi.org/10.1787/888933803900

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